Mikolaj 2. Nikolai and Alice of Hesse. Nicholas II. Documentary
Nicholas II |
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Coronation: |
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Predecessor: |
Alexander III |
Successor: |
Mikhail Alexandrovich (did not take the throne) |
Heir: |
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Religion: |
Orthodoxy |
Birth: |
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Buried: |
Secretly buried presumably in the forest near the village of Koptyaki, Sverdlovsk region, in 1998 the alleged remains were reburied in the Peter and Paul Cathedral |
Dynasty: |
Romanovs |
Alexander III |
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Maria Fedorovna |
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Alisa Gessenskaya (Alexandra Feodorovna) |
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Daughters: Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia |
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Autograph: |
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Monogram: |
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Names, titles, nicknames
First steps and coronation
Economic policy
Revolution of 1905-1907
Nicholas II and the Duma
Land reform
Military administration reform
World War I
Probing the world
Fall of the monarchy
Lifestyle, habits, hobbies
Russian
Foreign
After death
Assessment in Russian emigration
Official assessment in the USSR
church veneration
Filmography
Movie incarnations
Nicholas II Alexandrovich(May 6 (18), 1868, Tsarskoe Selo - July 17, 1918, Yekaterinburg) - the last Emperor of All Russia, the Tsar of Poland and the Grand Duke of Finland (October 20 (November 1), 1894 - March 2 (March 15), 1917). From the Romanov dynasty. Colonel (1892); in addition, from the British monarchs he had the ranks: Admiral of the Fleet (May 28, 1908) and Field Marshal of the British Army (December 18, 1915).
The reign of Nicholas II was marked by the economic development of Russia and, at the same time, the growth of socio-political contradictions in it, the revolutionary movement that resulted in the revolution of 1905-1907 and the revolution of 1917; in foreign policy - expansion in the Far East, the war with Japan, as well as Russia's participation in the military blocs of European powers and the First World War.
Nicholas II abdicated during the February Revolution of 1917 and was under house arrest with his family in the Tsarskoye Selo Palace. In the summer of 1917, by decision of the Provisional Government, he was sent into exile with his family to Tobolsk, and in the spring of 1918 he was moved by the Bolsheviks to Yekaterinburg, where he was shot with his family and close associates in July 1918.
Canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church as a martyr in 2000.
Names, titles, nicknames
Titled from birth His Imperial Highness (Sovereign) Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich. After the death of his grandfather, Emperor Alexander II, on March 1, 1881, he received the title of Tsarevich's heir.
The full title of Nicholas II as emperor: “By God's speeding mercy, Nicholas II, Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia, Moscow, Kiev, Vladimir, Novgorod; Tsar of Kazan, Tsar of Astrakhan, Tsar of Poland, Tsar of Siberia, Tsar of Tauric Chersonese, Tsar of Georgia; Sovereign of Pskov and Grand Duke of Smolensk, Lithuanian, Volyn, Podolsk and Finland; Prince of Estonia, Livonia, Courland and Semigalsky, Samogitsky, Belostoksky, Korelsky, Tversky, Yugorsky, Permsky, Vyatsky, Bulgarian and others; Sovereign and Grand Duke of Novgorod Nizovsky lands?, Chernigov, Ryazan, Polotsk, Rostov, Yaroslavl, Belozersky, Udorsky, Obdorsky, Kondia, Vitebsk, Mstislav and all northern countries? Lord; and Sovereign of Iversky, Kartalinsky and Kabardian lands? and regions of Armenia; Cherkasy and Mountain Princes and other Hereditary Sovereign and Possessor, Sovereign of Turkestan; Heir of Norway, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, Stormarn, Ditmarsen and Oldenburg and others, and others, and others.
After the February Revolution, it became known as Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov(previously, the surname "Romanov" was not indicated by members of the imperial house; titles indicated belonging to the family: Grand Duke, Emperor, Empress, Tsarevich, etc.).
In connection with the events on Khodynka and on January 9, 1905, he was nicknamed "Nikolai the Bloody" by the radical opposition; with such a nickname appeared in Soviet popular historiography. His wife privately called him "Nicky" (communication between them was mostly in English).
The Caucasian highlanders, who served in the Caucasian native cavalry division of the imperial army, called Sovereign Nicholas II "White Padishah", thereby showing their respect and devotion to the Russian emperor.
Childhood, education and upbringing
Nicholas II is the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna. Immediately upon birth, on May 6, 1868, he was named Nicholas. The baptism of the baby was performed by the confessor of the imperial family, Protopresbyter Vasily Bazhanov, in the Resurrection Church of the Grand Tsarskoye Selo Palace on May 20 of the same year; godparents were: Alexander II, Queen Louise of Denmark, Crown Prince Friedrich of Denmark, Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna.
In early childhood, the tutor of Nikolai and his brothers was the Englishman Karl Osipovich His, who lived in Russia ( Charles Heath, 1826-1900); General G. G. Danilovich was appointed his official tutor as heir in 1877. Nikolai was educated at home as part of a large gymnasium course; in 1885-1890 - according to a specially written program that connected the course of the state and economic departments of the law faculty of the university with the course of the Academy of the General Staff. The training sessions were conducted for 13 years: the first eight years were devoted to the subjects of the extended gymnasium course, where special attention was paid to the study of political history, Russian literature, English, German and French(Nicholas Alexandrovich spoke English like a native); the next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, legal and economic sciences, necessary for a statesman. Lectures were given by world-famous scientists: N. N. Beketov, N. N. Obruchev, Ts. A. Cui, M. I. Dragomirov, N. Kh. Bunge, K. P. Pobedonostsev and others. Protopresbyter John Yanyshev taught the crown prince canon law in connection with the history of the church, the main departments of theology and the history of religion.
On May 6, 1884, upon reaching the age of majority (for the Heir), he took the oath in the Great Church of the Winter Palace, which was announced by the Supreme Manifesto. The first act published on his behalf was a rescript addressed to the Moscow Governor-General V.A.
For the first two years, Nikolai served as a junior officer in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. For two summer seasons, he served in the ranks of the cavalry hussars as a squadron commander, and then camped in the ranks of the artillery. On August 6, 1892, he was promoted to colonel. At the same time, his father introduces him to the affairs of the country, inviting him to participate in meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers. At the suggestion of the Minister of Railways S. Yu. Witte, in 1892 Nikolai was appointed chairman of the committee for the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway in order to gain experience in public affairs. By the age of 23, the Heir was a man who received extensive information in various fields of knowledge.
The education program included trips to various provinces of Russia, which he made with his father. To complete his education, his father put at his disposal a cruiser for a trip to Far East. For nine months, he and his retinue visited Austria-Hungary, Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan, and later returned by land through Siberia to the capital of Russia. In Japan, an assassination attempt was made on Nicholas (see the Otsu Incident). A shirt with blood stains is stored in the Hermitage.
The opposition politician, member of the State Duma of the first convocation, V. P. Obninsky, in his anti-monarchist essay “The Last Autocrat”, argued that Nikolai “at one time stubbornly renounced the throne”, but was forced to yield to the demand of Alexander III and “sign during the life of his father a manifesto on his accession to the throne."
Accession to the throne and beginning of reign
First steps and coronation
A few days after the death of Alexander III (October 20, 1894) and his accession to the throne (the Supreme Manifesto was published on October 21; on the same day the oath was taken by dignitaries, officials, courtiers and troops), November 14, 1894 in the Great Church of the Winter Palace was married to Alexandra Fedorovna; the honeymoon passed in the atmosphere of requiems and mourning visits.
One of the first personnel decisions of Emperor Nicholas II was the dismissal in December 1894 of the conflicting I.V. Gurko from the post of Governor-General of the Kingdom of Poland and the appointment in February 1895 to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs A.B. Lobanov-Rostovsky - after the death of N.K. Gears.
As a result of the exchange of notes dated February 27 (March 11), 1895, “the delimitation of the spheres of influence of Russia and Great Britain in the Pamirs region, to the east of Lake Zor-Kul (Victoria)”, along the Pyanj River, was established; The Pamir volost became part of the Osh district of the Fergana region; The Wakhan Range on Russian maps was designated Ridge of Emperor Nicholas II. The first major international act of the emperor was the Triple Intervention - simultaneous (11 (23) April 1895), at the initiative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the presentation (together with Germany and France) of demands for Japan to revise the terms of the Shimonoseki peace treaty with China, renouncing claims to the Liaodong Peninsula .
The first public speech of the emperor in St. Petersburg was his speech delivered on January 17, 1895 in the Nicholas Hall of the Winter Palace before deputations of the nobility, zemstvos and cities who arrived "to express loyal feelings to Their Majesties and bring congratulations on the Marriage"; the delivered text of the speech (the speech was written in advance, but the emperor delivered it only from time to time looking at the paper) read: “I know that recently the voices of people who were carried away by senseless dreams about the participation of representatives of the zemstvos in matters of internal administration have been heard in some Zemstvo meetings. Let everyone know that I, devoting all My strength to the good of the people, will guard the beginning of autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as My unforgettable, late Parent guarded it. In connection with the tsar’s speech, Chief Prosecutor K. P. Pobedonostsev wrote to Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich on February 2 of the same year: “After the speech of the Sovereign, excitement continues with chatter of all kinds. I don’t hear her, but they tell me that everywhere among the youth and the intelligentsia there are rumors with some kind of irritation against the young Sovereign. Maria Al came to see me yesterday. Meshcherskaya (ur. Panin), who came here for a short time from the village. She is indignant at all the speeches she hears about this in the living rooms. On the other hand, the words of the Sovereign made a beneficial impression on ordinary people and on the villages. Many deputies, coming here, expected God knows what, and, having heard, breathed freely. But how sad that ridiculous irritation is happening in the upper circles. I am sure, unfortunately, that most of the members of the state. The Council is critical of the act of the Sovereign and, alas, some ministers too! God knows what? was in the minds of people until this day, and what expectations have grown ... True, they gave a reason for this ... Many straight Russian people were positively confused by the awards announced on January 1st. It turned out that the new Sovereign from the first step distinguished those very whom the deceased considered dangerous. All this inspires fear for the future. In the early 1910s, a representative of the left wing of the Cadets, V.P. Obninsky, wrote about the tsar’s speech in his anti-monarchist essay: “They assured that the word “unrealizable” was in the text. But be that as it may, it served as the beginning not only of a general cooling towards Nicholas, but also laid the foundation for the future liberation movement, rallying the zemstvo leaders and instilling in them a more decisive course of action. The performance of January 17, 1995 can be considered the first step of Nicholas on an inclined plane, along which he continues to roll until now, descending lower and lower in the opinion of both his subjects and the entire civilized world. » Historian S. S. Oldenburg wrote about the speech on January 17: “Russian educated society, for the most part, accepted this speech as a challenge to itself. The speech on January 17 dispelled the hopes of the intelligentsia for the possibility of constitutional reforms from above. In this regard, it served as the starting point for a new growth of revolutionary agitation, for which funds began to be found again.
The coronation of the emperor and his wife took place on May 14 (26), 1896 ( about the victims of the coronation celebrations in Moscow, see Khodynka's article). In the same year, the All-Russian Industrial and Art Exhibition was held in Nizhny Novgorod, which he visited.
In April 1896 formal recognition took place. Russian government Bulgarian government of Prince Ferdinand. In 1896, Nicholas II also made a big trip to Europe, meeting with Franz Joseph, Wilhelm II, Queen Victoria (grandmother of Alexandra Feodorovna); the end of the trip was his arrival in the capital of allied France, Paris. By the time of his arrival in Britain in September 1896, there was a sharp aggravation of relations between London and Porte, formally associated with the massacre of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, and the simultaneous rapprochement of St. Petersburg with Constantinople; guest? with Queen Victoria in Balmoral, Nicholas, agreeing to the joint development of a reform project in the Ottoman Empire, rejected the proposals made to him by the British government to remove Sultan Abdul-Hamid, keep Egypt for England, and in return receive some concessions on the issue of the Straits. Arriving in Paris in early October of the same year, Nicholas approved joint instructions to the ambassadors of Russia and France in Constantinople (which the Russian government had categorically refused until that time), approved the French proposals on the Egyptian question (which included "guarantees of the neutralization of the Suez Canal" - the goal, which was previously outlined for Russian diplomacy by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Lobanov-Rostovsky, who died on August 30, 1896). The Paris agreements of the tsar, who was accompanied on the trip by N. P. Shishkin, provoked sharp objections from Sergei Witte, Lamzdorf, Ambassador Nelidov and others; nevertheless, by the end of the same year, Russian diplomacy returned to its previous course: strengthening the alliance with France, pragmatic cooperation with Germany on certain issues, freezing the Eastern Question (that is, supporting the Sultan and opposition to England's plans in Egypt). From the plan approved at the meeting of ministers on December 5, 1896, chaired by the tsar, it was decided to abandon the plan for the landing of Russian troops on the Bosphorus (under a certain scenario). During 1897, 3 heads of state arrived in St. Petersburg to pay a visit to the Russian emperor: Franz Joseph, Wilhelm II, French President Felix Faure; during the visit of Franz Joseph between Russia and Austria, an agreement was concluded for 10 years.
The manifesto of February 3 (15), 1899 on the order of legislation in the Grand Duchy of Finland was perceived by the population of the Grand Duchy as an infringement on its autonomy rights and caused mass discontent and protests
The manifesto of June 28, 1899 (published on June 30) announced the death of the same June 28 "Heir to the Tsarevich and Grand Duke George Alexandrovich" (the oath to the latter, as heir to the throne, was taken earlier along with the oath to Nicholas) and read further: "From now on, until The Lord is not yet pleased to bless Us with the birth of a Son, the nearest right of succession to the All-Russian Throne, on the exact basis of the main State Law on Succession to the Throne, belongs to Our Most Beloved Brother, Our Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The absence in the Manifesto of the words “Heir Tsesarevich” in the title of Mikhail Alexandrovich aroused bewilderment in court circles, which prompted the emperor to issue on July 7 of the same year the Nominal Supreme Decree, which commanded to call the latter “Sovereign Heir and Grand Duke”.
Economic policy
According to the first general census conducted in January 1897, the population Russian Empire amounted to 125 million people; of these, 84 million were native to Russian; literate among the population of Russia was 21%, among persons aged 10-19 years - 34%.
In January of the same year, a monetary reform was carried out, which established the gold standard for the ruble. The transition to the golden ruble, among other things, was the devaluation of the national currency: the imperials of the previous weight and standard now read “15 rubles” - instead of 10; nevertheless, the stabilization of the ruble at the rate of "two-thirds", contrary to forecasts, was successful and without shocks.
Much attention was paid to the labor issue. In factories with more than 100 workers, free medical care was introduced, covering 70 percent of the total number of factory workers (1898). In June 1903, the Rules on the Remuneration of Victims of Industrial Accidents were approved by the Highest, obliging the entrepreneur to pay benefits and pensions to the victim or his family in the amount of 50-66 percent of the victim's maintenance. In 1906, workers' trade unions were created in the country. The law of June 23, 1912 introduced compulsory insurance of workers against illness and accidents in Russia. On June 2, 1897, a law on the limitation of working hours was issued, which established the maximum working day limit of no more than 11.5 hours on ordinary days, and 10 hours on Saturdays and pre-holiday days, or if at least part of the working day fell at night.
A special tax on landowners of Polish origin in the Western Territory, imposed as a punishment for the Polish uprising of 1863, was abolished. By decree of June 12, 1900, exile to Siberia was abolished as a punishment.
The reign of Nicholas II was a period of relatively high rates of economic growth: in 1885-1913, the growth rate of agricultural production averaged 2%, and the growth rate of industrial production was 4.5-5% per year. Coal mining in the Donbass increased from 4.8 million tons in 1894 to 24 million tons in 1913. Coal mining began in the Kuznetsk coal basin. Oil production developed in the vicinity of Baku, Grozny and on Emba.
The construction of railways continued, the total length of which, which was 44 thousand km in 1898, by 1913 exceeded 70 thousand km. In terms of the total length of railways, Russia surpassed any other European country and was second only to the United States. In terms of output of the main types of industrial products per capita, Russia in 1913 was a neighbor of Spain.
Foreign policy and the Russo-Japanese War
The historian Oldenburg, being in exile, argued in his apologetic work that back in 1895 the emperor foresaw the possibility of a clash with Japan for dominance in the Far East, and therefore prepared for this fight - both diplomatically and militarily. From the resolution of the tsar on April 2, 1895, on the report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, his desire for the further expansion of Russia in the South-East (Korea) was clear.
On June 3, 1896, a Russian-Chinese treaty on a military alliance against Japan was concluded in Moscow; China agreed to the construction of a railway through Northern Manchuria to Vladivostok, the construction and operation of which was provided to the Russian-Chinese Bank. On September 8, 1896, a concession agreement was signed between the Chinese government and the Russian-Chinese Bank for the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). On March 15 (27), 1898, Russia and China in Beijing signed the Russo-Chinese Convention of 1898, according to which the ports of Port Arthur (Lyushun) and Dalny (Dalian) with adjacent territories and water space were leased to Russia for 25 years; in addition, the Chinese government agreed to extend the concession granted by it to the CER Society for the construction of a railway line (South Manchurian Railway) from one of the CER points to Dalniy and Port Arthur.
In 1898, Nicholas II turned to the governments of Europe with proposals to sign agreements on the preservation of universal peace and the establishment of limits on the constant growth of armaments. In 1899 and 1907, the Hague Peace Conferences were held, some decisions of which are still valid today (in particular, the Permanent Court of Arbitration was created in The Hague).
In 1900, Nicholas II sent Russian troops to suppress the Ihetuan uprising together with the troops of other European powers, Japan and the United States.
The lease of the Liaodong Peninsula by Russia, the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway and the establishment of a naval base in Port Arthur, the growing influence of Russia in Manchuria clashed with the aspirations of Japan, which also laid claim to Manchuria.
On January 24, 1904, the Japanese ambassador presented the Russian Foreign Minister V. N. Lamzdorf with a note announcing the termination of negotiations, which Japan considered "useless", the severance of diplomatic relations with Russia; Japan withdrew its diplomatic mission from St. Petersburg and reserved the right to resort to "independent actions" to protect its interests, as it deemed necessary. On the evening of January 26, the Japanese fleet attacked the Port Arthur squadron without declaring war. The highest manifesto, given by Nicholas II on January 27, 1904, declared war on Japan.
The border battle on the Yalu River was followed by battles near Liaoyang, on the Shahe River and near Sandepa. After a major battle in February - March 1905, the Russian army left Mukden.
The outcome of the war was decided by the naval battle of Tsushima in May 1905, which ended in the complete defeat of the Russian fleet. On May 23, 1905, the emperor received, through the US ambassador in St. Petersburg, President T. Roosevelt's proposal for mediation to conclude peace. The plight of the Russian government after the Russian Japanese war prompted German diplomacy to make another attempt in July 1905 to tear Russia away from France and conclude a Russian-German alliance: Wilhelm II invited Nicholas II to meet in July 1905 in the Finnish skerries, near the island of Björke. Nikolai agreed, and at the meeting he signed the contract; returning to St. Petersburg, he abandoned it, since on August 23 (September 5), 1905, in Portsmouth, Russian representatives S. Yu. Witte and R. R. Rosen signed a peace treaty. Under the terms of the latter, Russia recognized Korea as a sphere of influence of Japan, ceded to Japan South Sakhalin and the rights to the Liaodong Peninsula with the cities of Port Arthur and Dalniy.
The American researcher of the era T. Dennett in 1925 stated: “Few people now believe that Japan was deprived of the fruits of the upcoming victories. The opposite opinion prevails. Many believe that Japan was already exhausted by the end of May, and that only the conclusion of peace saved her from collapse or complete defeat in a clash with Russia.
Defeat in the Russo-Japanese War (the first in half a century) and the subsequent suppression of the Troubles of 1905-1907. (subsequently aggravated by the appearance at the court of Rasputin) led to a fall in the authority of the emperor in the ruling and intellectual circles.
The German journalist G. Ganz, who lived in St. Petersburg during the war, noted the defeatist position of a significant part of the nobility and intelligentsia in relation to the war: “The common secret prayer not only of liberals, but also of many moderate conservatives at that time was:“ God help us to be defeated. ".
Revolution of 1905-1907
With the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II made some concessions to liberal circles: after the assassination of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. On December 12, 1904, the Supreme Decree was given to the Senate “On the Plans for the Improvement of the State Order”, promising the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, insurance of workers, the emancipation of foreigners and non-believers, and the elimination of censorship. When discussing the text of the Decree of December 12, 1904, he, however, privately said to Count Witte (according to the latter’s memoirs): “I will never, in any case, agree to a representative form of government, because I consider it harmful to the people entrusted to me by God. »
On January 6, 1905 (the feast of Epiphany), during the blessing of water on the Jordan (on the ice of the Neva), in front of the Winter Palace, in the presence of the emperor and members of his family, at the very beginning of the singing of the troparion, a gunshot rang out, in which accidentally (according to official version) there was a charge of buckshot after the exercises on January 4. Most of the bullets hit the ice next to the royal pavilion and into the facade of the palace, in 4 windows of which glass was broken. In connection with the incident, the editor of the synodal publication wrote that “it is impossible not to see something special” in the fact that only one policeman named “Romanov” was mortally wounded and the flagpole of the “nursery of our ill-fated fleet” was shot through - the banner of the naval corps .
On January 9 (old style), 1905, in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of priest Georgy Gapon, a procession of workers to the Winter Palace took place. The workers went to the tsar with a petition containing socio-economic, as well as some political, demands. The procession was dispersed by the troops, there were casualties. The events of that day in St. Petersburg entered Russian historiography as "Bloody Sunday", the victims of which, according to the study of V. Nevsky, were no more than 100-200 people (according to updated government data on January 10, 1905, 96 died in the riots and were injured 333 people, which includes some law enforcement officers). On February 4, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, who professed extreme right-wing political views and had a certain influence on his nephew, was killed by a terrorist bomb in the Moscow Kremlin.
On April 17, 1905, a decree “On strengthening the principles of religious tolerance” was issued, which abolished a number of religious restrictions, in particular with regard to “schismatics” (Old Believers).
Strikes continued in the country; unrest began on the outskirts of the empire: in Courland, the Forest Brothers began to massacre local German landlords, and the Armenian-Tatar massacre began in the Caucasus. Revolutionaries and separatists received support in money and weapons from England and Japan. So, in the summer of 1905, the English steamer John Grafton, which had run aground, carrying several thousand rifles for Finnish separatists and revolutionary militants, was detained in the Baltic Sea. There were several uprisings in the fleet and in various cities. The largest was the December uprising in Moscow. At the same time, the Socialist-Revolutionary and anarchist individual terror gained a large scope. In just a couple of years, thousands of officials, officers and policemen were killed by revolutionaries - in 1906 alone, 768 were killed and 820 representatives and agents of power were wounded. The second half of 1905 was marked by numerous unrest in universities and theological seminaries: due to the riots, almost 50 secondary theological educational institutions were closed. The adoption on August 27 of a provisional law on the autonomy of universities caused a general strike of students and stirred up teachers at universities and theological academies. The opposition parties took advantage of the expansion of freedoms to intensify attacks on the autocracy in the press.
On August 6, 1905, a manifesto was signed on the establishment of the State Duma (“as a legislative institution, which is provided with preliminary development and discussion of legislative proposals and consideration of the schedule of state revenues and expenditures” - the Bulygin Duma), the law on the State Duma and the regulation on elections to the Duma. But the revolution, which was gaining strength, stepped over the acts of August 6: in October, an all-Russian political strike began, more than 2 million people went on strike. On the evening of October 17, Nikolai, after psychologically difficult hesitation, decided to sign a manifesto, commanding, among other things: “1. To grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of real inviolability of the individual, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association. 3. Establish as an unshakable rule that no law could take effect without the approval of the State Duma, and that those elected from the people be provided with the opportunity to really participate in supervising the regularity of the actions of the authorities appointed by us. On April 23, 1906, the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire were approved, providing for new role Duma in the process of legislation. From the point of view of the liberal public, the Manifesto marked the end of the Russian autocracy as the unlimited power of the monarch.
Three weeks after the manifesto, political prisoners were pardoned, except for those convicted of terrorism; The decree of November 24, 1905 abolished preliminary both general and spiritual censorship for time-based (periodical) publications published in the cities of the empire (April 26, 1906, all censorship was abolished).
After the publication of the manifestos, the strikes subsided; armed forces(except for the fleet, where unrest took place) remained faithful to the oath; an extreme right-wing monarchist public organization, the Union of the Russian People, arose and was secretly supported by Nicholas.
During the revolution, in 1906, Konstantin Balmont wrote the poem "Our Tsar", dedicated to Nicholas II, which turned out to be prophetic:
Our King is Mukden, our King is Tsushima,
Our King is a bloodstain
The stench of gunpowder and smoke
In which the mind is dark. Our Tsar is blind squalor,
Prison and whip, jurisdiction, execution,
Tsar hangman, the low twice,
What he promised, but did not dare to give. He's a coward, he feels stuttering
But it will be, the hour of reckoning awaits.
Who began to reign - Khodynka,
He will finish - standing on the scaffold.
Decade between two revolutions
Milestones of domestic and foreign policy
On August 18 (31), 1907, an agreement was signed with Great Britain on the delimitation of spheres of influence in China, Afghanistan and Persia, which on the whole completed the process of forming an alliance of 3 powers - the Triple Entente, known as the Entente ( Triple Entente); however, mutual military obligations at that time existed only between Russia and France - under the agreement of 1891 and the military convention of 1892. On May 27 - 28, 1908 (O.S.), the meeting of the British King Edward VIII with the king took place on the roadstead in the harbor of Reval; The Tsar received from the King the uniform of an Admiral of the British Navy. The Revel meeting of the monarchs was interpreted in Berlin as a step towards the formation of an anti-German coalition - despite the fact that Nicholas was a staunch opponent of rapprochement with England against Germany. The agreement (Potsdam Agreement) concluded between Russia and Germany on August 6 (19), 1911 did not change the general vector of Russia's and Germany's involvement in opposing military-political alliances.
On June 17, 1910, the law on the procedure for issuing laws relating to the Principality of Finland, approved by the State Council and the State Duma, was approved by the Highest, known as the law on the procedure for general imperial legislation (see Russification of Finland).
The Russian contingent, which had been in Persia since 1909 due to the unstable political situation, was reinforced in 1911.
In 1912, Mongolia became a de facto protectorate of Russia, having gained independence from China as a result of the revolution that took place there. After this revolution in 1912-1913, the Tuvan noyons (ambyn-noyon Kombu-Dorzhu, Chamzy Khamby-lama, noyon of Daa-khoshun Buyan-Badyrgy and others) several times appealed to the tsarist government with a request to accept Tuva under the protectorate of the Russian Empire. On April 4 (17), 1914, by a resolution on the report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Russian protectorate was established over the Uryankhai region: the region was included in the Yenisei province with the transfer of political and diplomatic affairs in Tuva to the Irkutsk Governor-General.
The beginning of military operations of the Balkan Union against Turkey in the autumn of 1912 marked the collapse of the diplomatic efforts undertaken after the Bosnian crisis by the Minister of Foreign Affairs S. D. Sazonov in the direction of an alliance with the Port and at the same time keeping the Balkan states under their control: contrary to the expectations of the Russian government, the troops of the latter successfully pushed Turks and in November 1912 the Bulgarian army was 45 km from the Ottoman capital of Constantinople (see Chataldzha battle). After the actual transfer of the Turkish army under the German command (German General Liman von Sanders at the end of 1913 took over as chief inspector of the Turkish army), the question of the inevitability of war with Germany was raised in Sazonov's note to the emperor dated December 23, 1913; Sazonov's note was also discussed at a meeting of the Council of Ministers.
In 1913 took place wide celebration 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty: the imperial family made a trip to Moscow, from there to Vladimir, Nizhny Novgorod, and then along the Volga to Kostroma, where on March 14, 1613, the first tsar from the Romanovs, Mikhail Fedorovich, was called to the kingdom; in January 1914, a solemn consecration of the Fedorovsky Cathedral in St. Petersburg, erected to commemorate the anniversary of the dynasty, took place.
Nicholas II and the Duma
The first two State Dumas were unable to conduct regular legislative work: the contradictions between the deputies, on the one hand, and the emperor, on the other, were insurmountable. So, immediately after the opening, in a response to the throne speech of Nicholas II, the left-wing Duma members demanded the liquidation of the State Council (the upper house of parliament), the transfer of monastery and state lands to the peasants. On May 19, 1906, 104 deputies of the Labor Group put forward a draft land reform (draft 104), the content of which was reduced to the confiscation of landed estates and the nationalization of all land.
The Duma of the first convocation was dissolved by the Emperor by a Personal Decree to the Senate of July 8 (21), 1906 (published on Sunday, July 9), which set the time for the convocation of the newly elected Duma on February 20, 1907; the subsequent Supreme Manifesto of July 9 explained the reasons, among which were: “Electives from the population, instead of working to build a legislative one, deviated into an area that did not belong to them and turned to investigating the actions of local authorities appointed by Us, to pointing out to Us the imperfections of the Basic Laws, changes of which can be undertaken only by Our Monarch's will, and to actions that are clearly illegal, as an appeal on behalf of the Duma to the population. By decree of July 10 of the same year, the sessions of the State Council were suspended.
Simultaneously with the dissolution of the Duma, instead of I. L. Goremykin, P. A. Stolypin was appointed to the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers. Stolypin's agrarian policy, the successful suppression of unrest, and his bright speeches in the Second Duma made him the idol of some of the right.
The second Duma turned out to be even more leftist than the first, since the Social Democrats and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who boycotted the first Duma, participated in the elections. The idea was ripening in the government to dissolve the Duma and change the electoral law; Stolypin was not going to destroy the Duma, but to change the composition of the Duma. The reason for the dissolution was the actions of the Social Democrats: on May 5, the police discovered a meeting of 35 Social Democrats and about 30 soldiers of the St. Petersburg garrison in the apartment of a Duma member from the RSDLP Ozol; in addition, the police found various propaganda materials calling for the violent overthrow of the state system, various orders from soldiers of military units and false passports. On June 1, Stolypin and the chairman of the St. Petersburg Court of Justice demanded from the Duma that the entire composition of the Social Democratic faction be removed from Duma meetings and that the immunity of 16 members of the RSDLP be lifted. The Duma did not agree to the government's demand; The result of the confrontation was the manifesto of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the Second Duma, published on June 3, 1907, together with the Regulations on elections to the Duma, that is, the new electoral law. The manifesto also indicated the date for the opening of the new Duma - November 1 of the same year. The act of June 3, 1907 in Soviet historiography was called a "coup d'état", since it conflicted with the manifesto of October 17, 1905, according to which not a single new law could not be adopted without the approval of the State Duma.
According to General A. A. Mosolov, Nicholas II looked at the members of the Duma not as representatives of the people, but as “just intellectuals” and added that his attitude towards the peasant delegations was completely different: “The Tsar met with them willingly and talked for a long time , without fatigue, joyfully and affably.
Land reform
From 1902 to 1905, both statesmen and Russian scientists were involved in the development of new agrarian legislation at the state level: Vl. I. Gurko, S. Yu. Witte, I. L. Goremykin, A. V. Krivoshein, P. A. Stolypin, P. P. Migulin, N. N. Kutler, and A. A. Kaufman. The question of the abolition of the community was raised by life itself. At the height of the revolution, N. N. Kutler even proposed a project for the alienation of part of the landowners' lands. From January 1, 1907, the law on the free exit of peasants from the community (Stolypin agrarian reform) began to be practically applied. Giving peasants the right to freely dispose of their land and the abolition of communities was of great national importance, but the reform was not completed, and could not be completed, the peasant did not become the owner of land throughout the country, the peasants left the community en masse and returned back. And Stolypin sought to allocate land to some peasants at the expense of others and, above all, to preserve landownership, which blocked the way to free farming. It was only a partial solution to the problem.
In 1913, Russia (excluding the Vistula provinces) was in first place in the world in the production of rye, barley and oats, third (after Canada and the USA) in wheat production, fourth (after France, Germany and Austria-Hungary) in the production of potatoes. Russia became the main exporter of agricultural products, accounting for 2/5 of the total world export of agricultural products. Grain yield was 3 times lower than English or German, potato yield was 2 times lower.
Military administration reform
The military transformations of 1905-1912 were carried out after the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, which revealed serious shortcomings in the central administration, organization, recruitment system, combat training and technical equipment of the army.
In the first period of military reforms (1905-1908), the highest military administration was decentralized (the Main Directorate of the General Staff was established independent of the Military Ministry, the Council of State Defense was created, the inspector generals were directly subordinate to the emperor), the terms of active service were reduced (in the infantry and field artillery from 5 to 3 years, in other branches of the military from 5 to 4 years, in the Navy from 7 to 5 years), the officer corps has been rejuvenated; the life of soldiers and sailors (food and clothing allowance) and the financial situation of officers and conscripts have been improved.
In the second period of the Military Reforms (1909-1912), the centralization of the highest administration was carried out (the Main Directorate of the General Staff was included in the Military Ministry, the Council of State Defense was abolished, inspector generals were subordinate to the Minister of War); at the expense of the militarily weak reserve and fortress troops, the field troops were strengthened (the number of army corps increased from 31 to 37), a reserve was created at the field units, which, during mobilization, was allocated for the deployment of secondary ones (including field artillery, engineering and railway troops, communications units) , machine-gun teams were created in the regiments and corps squadrons, cadet schools were transformed into military schools that received new programs, new charters and instructions were introduced. In 1910, the Imperial Air Force was created.
World War I
July 19 (August 1), 1914 Germany declared war on Russia: Russia entered into world war, which ended for her with the collapse of the empire and the dynasty.
On July 20, 1914, the emperor issued and by the evening of the same day published the War Manifesto, as well as the Nominal Supreme Decree, in which he, “not recognizing it possible, for reasons of a national nature, now become the head of Our land and sea forces intended for hostilities", commanded the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to be the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.
By decrees of July 24, 1914, classes of the State Council and the Duma were interrupted from July 26. On July 26, a manifesto was issued on the war with Austria. On the same day, the Highest Reception of the members of the State Council and the Duma took place: the emperor arrived at the Winter Palace on a yacht together with Nikolai Nikolayevich and, entering the Nikolaevsky Hall, addressed the audience with the following words: “Germany, and then Austria declared war on Russia. That huge upsurge of patriotic feelings of love for the Motherland and devotion to the Throne, which, like a hurricane, swept through all of Our land, serves in My eyes and, I think, in yours as a guarantee that Our great Mother Russia will bring the war sent by the Lord God to the desired end. I am sure that all of you and everyone in their place will help Me endure the test sent down to Me and that everyone, starting with Me, will fulfill their duty to the end. Great is the God of the Russian Land! In conclusion of his response speech, the Chairman of the Duma, Chamberlain M. V. Rodzianko, said: “Without a difference of opinions, views and convictions, the State Duma, on behalf of the Russian Land, calmly and firmly says to its Tsar: “Go for it, Sovereign, the Russian people are with you and, firmly trusting by the grace of God, will not stop at any sacrifice until the enemy is defeated and the dignity of the Motherland is protected.“”
By a manifesto of October 20 (November 2), 1914, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire: “In the hitherto unsuccessful struggle with Russia, trying by all means to increase their forces, Germany and Austria-Hungary resorted to the help of the Ottoman government and involved Turkey, blinded by them, into the war with us. . The Turkish fleet led by the Germans dared to treacherously attack Our Black Sea coast. Immediately after this, We ordered the Russian ambassador in Tsaregrad, with all the ranks of the embassy and consular, to leave the borders of Turkey. Together with all the Russian people, We firmly believe that the current reckless intervention of Turkey in hostilities will only hasten the course of events fatal to her and open the way for Russia to resolve the historical tasks bequeathed to her by her ancestors on the shores of the Black Sea. The government press organ reported that on October 21, “the day of the Ascension to the Throne of the Sovereign Emperor took in Tiflis, in connection with the war with Turkey, the nature of a national holiday”; on the same day, the deputation of 100 prominent Armenians, headed by the bishop, was received by the Viceroy: the deputation “asked the count to cast down at the feet of the Great Russia feelings of boundless devotion and ardent love of the loyal Armenian people”; then a deputation of Sunni and Shia Muslims introduced themselves.
During the period of command of Nikolai Nikolaevich, the tsar went to Headquarters several times for meetings with the command (September 21 - 23, October 22 - 24, November 18 - 20); in November 1914 he also traveled to the south of Russia and the Caucasian front.
At the beginning of June 1915, the situation on the fronts deteriorated sharply: Przemysl, a fortified city, was surrendered, captured in March with huge losses. Lvov was abandoned at the end of June. All military acquisitions were lost, the loss of the Russian Empire's own territory began. In July, Warsaw, all of Poland and part of Lithuania were surrendered; the enemy continued to advance. There was talk in society about the inability of the government to cope with the situation.
Both on the part of public organizations, the State Duma, and on the part of other groups, even many grand dukes, they started talking about creating a "ministry of public trust."
At the beginning of 1915, the troops at the front began to experience a great need for weapons and ammunition. The need for a complete restructuring of the economy in accordance with the requirements of the war became clear. On August 17, Nicholas II approved documents on the formation of four special meetings: on defense, fuel, food and transportation. These meetings, which consisted of representatives of the government, private industrialists, the State Duma and the State Council and were headed by the relevant ministers, were supposed to unite the efforts of the government, private industry and the public in mobilizing industry for military needs. The most important of these was the Special Defense Conference.
Along with the creation of special conferences, military-industrial committees began to arise in 1915 - public organizations bourgeoisie, who were semi-oppositional in nature.
On August 23, 1915, motivating his decision by the need to establish agreement between the Headquarters and the government, to put an end to the separation of the power at the head of the army from the power that controls the country, Nicholas II assumed the title of Supreme Commander, dismissing from this post the Grand Duke, popular in the army Nikolai Nikolaevich. According to a member of the State Council (monarchist by conviction) Vladimir Gurko, the emperor's decision was made at the instigation of Rasputin's "gang" and disapproved of the vast majority of members of the Council of Ministers, the generals and the public.
Due to the constant relocations of Nicholas II from Headquarters to Petrograd, as well as insufficient attention to the issues of leadership of the troops, the actual command of the Russian army was concentrated in the hands of his chief of staff, General M.V. Alekseev, and General Vasily Gurko, who replaced him in late 1916 - early 1917. The autumn draft of 1916 put 13 million people under arms, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million.
In 1916, Nicholas II replaced four chairmen of the Council of Ministers (I. L. Goremykin, B. V. Shturmer, A. F. Trepov and Prince N. D. Golitsyn), four ministers of internal affairs (A. N. Khvostov, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. A. Khvostov and A. D. Protopopov), three Ministers of Foreign Affairs (S. D. Sazonov, B. V. Shtyurmer and N. N. Pokrovsky), two Ministers of War (A. A. Polivanov, D.S. Shuvaev) and three Ministers of Justice (A.A. Khvostov, A.A. Makarov and N.A. Dobrovolsky).
On January 19 (February 1), 1917, a meeting of high-ranking representatives of the Allied Powers opened in Petrograd, which went down in history as the Petrograd Conference ( q.v.): from the allies of Russia, it was attended by delegates from Great Britain, France and Italy, who also visited Moscow and the front, had meetings with politicians of different political orientations, with leaders of the Duma factions; the latter unanimously spoke to the head of the British delegation about the imminent revolution - either from below or from above (in the form of a palace coup).
Acceptance by Nicholas II of the Supreme Command of the Russian Army
Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich's overestimation of his abilities resulted in a number of major military mistakes, and attempts to deflect the relevant accusations from himself led to the inflating of Germanophobia and spy mania. One of these most significant episodes was the execution of the innocent case of Lieutenant Colonel Myasoedov, where Nikolai Nikolaevich played first violin along with A. I. Guchkov. The front commander, due to the disagreement of the judges, did not approve the verdict, but Myasoedov’s fate was decided by the resolution of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich: “Hang anyway!” This case, in which the Grand Duke played the first role, led to an increase in the clearly oriented suspicion of society and played its role, including in the May 1915 German pogrom in Moscow. The military historian A. A. Kersnovsky states that by the summer of 1915 “a military catastrophe was approaching Russia”, and it was this threat that became main reason The highest decision to remove the Grand Duke from the post of Commander-in-Chief.
General M. V. Alekseev, who arrived at Headquarters in September 1914, was also “struck by the turmoil reigning there, confusion and despondency. Both, Nikolai Nikolayevich and Yanushkevich, were confused by the failures of the North-Western Front and do not know what to do.
Failures at the front continued: on July 22, Warsaw and Kovno were surrendered, the fortifications of Brest were blown up, the Germans were approaching the Western Dvina, and the evacuation of Riga was begun. In such conditions, Nicholas II decided to remove the Grand Duke who could not cope and himself to stand at the head of the Russian army. According to the military historian A. A. Kersnovsky, such a decision of the emperor was the only way out:
On August 23, 1915, Nicholas II assumed the title of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, replacing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich, who was appointed commander of the Caucasian Front. M. V. Alekseev was appointed chief of staff of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander. Soon, the state of General Alekseev changed dramatically: the general cheered up, his anxiety and complete confusion disappeared. The general on duty at Headquarters, P. K. Kondzerovsky, even thought that good news had come from the front, which made the chief of staff cheer up, but the reason was different: the new Supreme Commander received a report from Alekseev on the situation at the front and gave him certain instructions; a telegram was sent to the front that "now not a step back." The breakthrough of Vilna-Molodechno was ordered to be liquidated by the troops of General Evert. Alekseev was busy carrying out the order of the Sovereign:
Meanwhile, Nikolai's decision caused a mixed reaction, given that all the ministers opposed this step and in favor of which only his wife unconditionally spoke. Minister A. V. Krivoshein said:
The soldiers of the Russian army met the decision of Nicholas to take the post of Supreme Commander without enthusiasm. At the same time, the German command was satisfied with the departure of Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich from the post of supreme commander in chief - they considered him a tough and skillful opponent. A number of his strategic ideas were praised by Erich Ludendorff as eminently bold and brilliant.
The result of this decision of Nicholas II was colossal. During the Sventsyansky breakthrough on September 8 - October 2, the German troops were defeated, and their offensive was stopped. The parties switched to a positional war: the brilliant Russian counterattacks that followed in the Vilna-Molodechno region and the events that followed made it possible, after a successful September operation, no longer fearing an enemy offensive, to prepare for a new stage of the war. All over Russia, work was in full swing on the formation and training of new troops. The industry at an accelerated pace produced ammunition and military equipment. Such work became possible due to the emerging confidence that the enemy's offensive was stopped. By the spring of 1917, new armies had been raised, better supplied with equipment and ammunition than at any time before in the entire war.
The autumn draft of 1916 put 13 million people under arms, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million.
In 1916, Nicholas II replaced four chairmen of the Council of Ministers (I. L. Goremykin, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. F. Trepov and Prince N. D. Golitsyn), four ministers of the interior (A. N. Khvostov, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. A. Khvostov and A. D. Protopopov), three Ministers of Foreign Affairs (S. D. Sazonov, B. V. Shtyurmer and N. N. Pokrovsky), two Ministers of War (A. A. Polivanov, D.S. Shuvaev) and three Ministers of Justice (A.A. Khvostov, A.A. Makarov and N.A. Dobrovolsky).
By January 1, 1917, there were changes in the State Council. Nicholas expelled 17 members and appointed new ones.
On January 19 (February 1), 1917, a meeting of high-ranking representatives of the allied powers opened in Petrograd, which went down in history as the Petrograd Conference (q.v.): from the allies of Russia, it was attended by delegates from Great Britain, France and Italy, who also visited Moscow and the front, had meetings with politicians of different political orientations, with the leaders of the Duma factions; the latter unanimously spoke to the head of the British delegation about the imminent revolution - either from below or from above (in the form of a palace coup).
Probing the world
Nicholas II, hoping for an improvement in the situation in the country in the event of the success of the spring offensive of 1917 (which was agreed upon at the Petrograd Conference), was not going to conclude a separate peace with the enemy - he saw the most important means of consolidating the throne in the victorious end of the war. Hints that Russia might start negotiations for a separate peace were a diplomatic game that forced the Entente to recognize the need for Russian control over the Straits.
Fall of the monarchy
The rise of revolutionary sentiment
The war, during which there was a broad mobilization of the able-bodied male population, horses and a massive requisition of livestock and agricultural products, had a detrimental effect on the economy, especially in the countryside. In the environment of the politicized Petrograd society, the authorities turned out to be discredited by scandals (in particular, those related to the influence of G. E. Rasputin and his proteges - “dark forces”) and suspicions of treason; Nicholas' declarative adherence to the idea of "autocratic" power came into sharp conflict with the liberal and leftist aspirations of a significant part of the Duma members and society.
General A. I. Denikin testified about the mood in the army after the revolution: “As for the attitude to the throne, then, as a general phenomenon, in the officer corps there was a desire to distinguish the person of the sovereign from the court filth that surrounded him, from the political mistakes and crimes of the royal government, which clearly and steadily led to the destruction of the country and the defeat of the army. They forgave the sovereign, they tried to justify him. As we will see below, by 1917 even this attitude in a certain part of the officer corps had shaken, causing the phenomenon that Prince Volkonsky called the "revolution from the right", but already on purely political grounds.
Since December 1916, a "coup" in one form or another was expected in the court and political environment, the possible abdication of the emperor in favor of Tsarevich Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.
On February 23, 1917, a strike began in Petrograd; after 3 days it became universal. On the morning of February 27, 1917, the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison rebelled and joined the strikers; Only the police counteracted the rebellion and unrest. A similar uprising took place in Moscow. Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, not realizing the seriousness of what was happening, wrote to her husband on February 25: “This is a“ hooligan ”movement, young men and girls run around screaming that they have no bread, and the workers do not let others work. It would be very cold, they would probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves decently.
On February 25, 1917, by decree of Nicholas II, the meetings of the State Duma were terminated from February 26 to April of the same year, which further aggravated the situation. Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko sent a number of telegrams to the emperor about the events in Petrograd. Telegram received at Headquarters on February 26, 1917 at 22:40: “I most humbly inform Your Majesty that the popular unrest that began in Petrograd is taking on a spontaneous character and menacing proportions. Their foundations are the lack of baked bread and the weak supply of flour, inspiring panic, but mainly complete distrust of the authorities, unable to lead the country out of a difficult situation. In a telegram on February 27, 1917, he reported: “The civil war has begun and is flaring up. Command the cancellation of your Highest Decree to convene legislative chambers again. If the movement is transferred to the army, the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable.
The Duma, which then had high authority in a revolutionary-minded environment, did not obey the decree of February 25 and continued to work in the so-called private meetings of members of the State Duma, convened on the evening of February 27 by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. The latter assumed the role of a body of supreme power immediately after its formation.
Renunciation
On the evening of February 25, 1917, Nikolai ordered General S.S. Khabalov by telegram to stop the unrest by military force. Having sent General N.I. Ivanov to Petrograd on February 27 to suppress the uprising, Nicholas II departed for Tsarskoye Selo on the evening of February 28, but could not get through and, having lost contact with Headquarters, arrived in Pskov on March 1, where the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front of General N V. Ruzsky. At about 3 pm on March 2, he decided to abdicate in favor of his son under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, in the evening of the same day he announced to the arrivals A. I. Guchkov and V. V. Shulgin about the decision to abdicate for his son.
On March 2 (15) at 11:40 p.m. (in the document, the time of signing was indicated as 3 p.m.), Nikolai handed over to Guchkov and Shulgin the Manifesto of renunciation, which, in particular, read: “We command OUR Brother to rule the affairs of the state in full and indestructible unity with representatives of the people in legislative institutions, on the basis that they will establish, taking an inviolable oath to that. ".
Some researchers question the authenticity of the manifesto (renunciation).
Guchkov and Shulgin also demanded that Nicholas II sign two decrees: on the appointment of Prince G. E. Lvov as head of government and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich as supreme commander; the former emperor signed decrees, indicating in them the time of 14 hours.
General A.I. Denikin stated in his memoirs that on March 3, in Mogilev, Nikolai told General Alekseev:
On March 4, a moderately right-wing Moscow newspaper reported the words of the emperor to Tuchkov and Shulgin in this way: “I thought it all over,” he said, “and decided to abdicate. But I renounce not in favor of my son, since I must leave Russia, since I leave the Supreme Power. To leave my son, whom I love very much, in Russia, to leave him in complete obscurity, I in no way consider it possible. That is why I decided to transfer the throne to my brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.”
Link and execution
From March 9 to August 14, 1917, Nikolai Romanov and his family lived under arrest in the Alexander Palace of Tsarskoye Selo.
At the end of March, the Minister of the Provisional Government, P. N. Milyukov, tried to send Nicholas and his family to England, in the care of George V, to which the preliminary consent of the British side was obtained; but in April, due to the unstable internal political situation in England itself, the King chose to abandon such a plan - according to some evidence, against the advice of Prime Minister Lloyd George. However, in 2006, some documents became known that, until May 1918, the MI 1 unit of the British military intelligence agency carried out preparations for the operation to rescue the Romanovs, which was never brought to the stage of practical implementation.
In view of the strengthening of the revolutionary movement and anarchy in Petrograd, the Provisional Government, fearing for the lives of the prisoners, decided to transfer them deep into Russia, to Tobolsk; they were allowed to take from the palace necessary furniture, personal belongings, as well as to offer service personnel, if desired, to voluntarily accompany them to the place of new accommodation and further service. On the eve of his departure, the head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky arrived and brought with him the brother of the former emperor, Mikhail Alexandrovich (Mikhail Alexandrovich was exiled to Perm, where on the night of June 13, 1918 he was killed by local Bolshevik authorities).
On August 14, 1917, at 6:10 a.m., a train with members of the imperial family and servants under the sign "Japanese Mission of the Red Cross" set off from Tsarskoye Selo. On August 17, the train arrived in Tyumen, then the arrested were transported by river to Tobolsk. The Romanov family settled in the governor's house specially renovated for their arrival. The family was allowed to walk across the street and the boulevard to worship at the Church of the Annunciation. The security regime here was much lighter than in Tsarskoye Selo. The family led a calm, measured life.
In early April 1918, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) authorized the transfer of the Romanovs to Moscow for the purpose of holding a trial against them. At the end of April 1918, the prisoners were transferred to Yekaterinburg, where a house belonging to mining engineer N.N. was requisitioned to accommodate the Romanovs. Ipatiev. Here, five people of the attendants lived with them: the doctor Botkin, the lackey Trupp, the room girl Demidova, the cook Kharitonov and the cook Sednev.
In early July 1918, the Ural military commissar F.I. Goloshchekin went to Moscow to receive instructions on future fate the royal family, which was decided at the highest level of the Bolshevik leadership (in addition to V.I. Lenin, Ya. M. Sverdlov took an active part in deciding the fate of the former tsar).
On July 12, 1918, the Ural Soviet of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, in the conditions of the retreat of the Bolsheviks under the onslaught of the White troops and members of the Constituent Assembly of the Czechoslovak Corps loyal to the Committee, adopted a resolution on the execution of the entire family. Nikolai Romanov, Alexandra Fedorovna, their children, Dr. Botkin and three servants (except for the cook Sednev) were shot in the "House of Special Purpose" - the Ipatiev mansion in Yekaterinburg on the night of July 16-17, 1918. Senior investigator for especially important cases of the General Vladimir Solovyov, who led the criminal investigation into the death of the royal family, came to the conclusion that Lenin and Sverdlov were against the execution of the royal family, and the execution itself was organized by the Ural Council, where the Left Social Revolutionaries had great influence, in order to disrupt the Brest peace between Soviet Russia and Kaiser Germany. The Germans after the February Revolution, despite the war with Russia, were worried about the fate of the Russian imperial family, because the wife of Nicholas II, Alexandra Feodorovna, was German, and their daughters were both Russian princesses and German princesses.
Religiosity and a view of their power. Church politics
Former member of the Holy Synod in the pre-revolutionary years, Protopresbyter Georgy Shavelsky (he was in close contact with the emperor at Headquarters during the World War), while in exile, testified to the “humble, simple and direct” religiosity of the tsar, to his rigorous attendance of Sunday and holiday services, about “ generous outpouring of many good deeds for the Church. V. P. Obninsky, an opposition politician of the early 20th century, also wrote about his "sincere piety, manifested at every worship service." General A. A. Mosolov noted: “The Tsar thoughtfully treated his rank of God's anointed. One should have seen with what attention he considered requests for pardon for those sentenced to death. He took from his father, whom he revered and whom he tried to imitate even in everyday trifles, an unshakable faith in the fatefulness of his power. His calling came from God. He was responsible for his actions only before his conscience and the Almighty. The king answered to his conscience and was guided by intuition, instinct, that incomprehensible one, which is now called the subconscious. He bowed only before the elemental, irrational, and sometimes contrary to reason, before the weightless, before his ever-growing mysticism.
Former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Gurko in his émigré essay (1927) emphasized: “Nicholas II's idea of the limits of the power of the Russian autocrat was at all times wrong. Seeing in himself, first of all, God's anointed one, he considered every decision he made to be lawful and essentially correct. “It is my will,” was the phrase that repeatedly flew from his lips and, in his opinion, was supposed to stop all objections to the assumption he had made. Regis voluntas suprema lex esto - this is the formula with which he was penetrated through and through. It was not a belief, it was a religion. Ignoring the law, not recognizing either existing rules or ingrained customs was one of the distinguishing features of the last Russian autocrat. This view of the nature and nature of his power, according to Gurko, also determined the degree of the emperor's goodwill towards his closest employees: of any department showed excessive goodwill towards the public, and especially if he did not want and could not recognize the royal power in all cases as unlimited. In most cases, the disagreement between the Tsar and his ministers boiled down to the fact that the ministers defended the rule of law, and the Tsar insisted on his omnipotence. As a result, only such ministers as N.A. Maklakov or Stürmer, who agreed to the violation of any laws to preserve ministerial portfolios, remained in the Sovereign's favor.
The beginning of the 20th century in the life of the Russian Church, of which he was the secular head according to the laws of the Russian Empire, was marked by a movement for reforms in church administration, a significant part of the episcopate and some laity advocated the convening of an all-Russian local council and the possible restoration of the patriarchate in Russia; in 1905 there were attempts to restore the autocephaly of the Georgian Church (then the Georgian Exarchate of the Russian Holy Synod).
Nicholas, in principle, agreed with the idea of the Cathedral; but he considered it untimely and in January 1906 he established the Pre-Council Presence, and by the Highest Command of February 28, 1912 - "at the Holy Synod, a permanent pre-Council meeting, until the convocation of the Council."
On March 1, 1916, he ordered that “for the future, the reports of the Chief Procurator to His Imperial Majesty on matters relating to the internal structure of church life and the essence church government, were performed in the presence of the leading member of the Holy Synod, for the purpose of their comprehensive canonical coverage, ”which was welcomed in the conservative press as“ a great act of royal trust ”
In his reign, an unprecedented (for the synodal period) large number of canonizations of new saints was made, and he insisted on the canonization of the most famous - Seraphim of Sarov (1903) despite the reluctance of the chief procurator of the Synod Pobedonostsev; were also glorified: Theodosius of Chernigov (1896), Isidor Yuryevsky (1898), Anna Kashinskaya (1909), Euphrosyne of Polotsk (1910), Euphrosyn of Sinozersky (1911), Iosaf of Belgorod (1911), Patriarch Hermogenes (1913), Pitirim Tambov (1914) ), John of Tobolsk (1916).
As Grigory Rasputin (who acted through the empress and hierarchs loyal to him) intensified in synodal affairs in the 1910s, dissatisfaction with the entire synodal system grew among a significant part of the clergy, who, for the most part, reacted positively to the fall of the monarchy in March 1917.
Lifestyle, habits, hobbies
Most of the time, Nicholas II lived with his family in the Alexander Palace (Tsarskoye Selo) or Peterhof. In the summer, he rested in the Crimea in the Livadia Palace. For recreation, he also annually made two-week trips around the Gulf of Finland and the Baltic Sea on the Shtandart yacht. He read both light entertainment literature and serious scientific works, often on historical topics; Russian and foreign newspapers and magazines. Smoked cigarettes.
He was fond of photography, he also liked to watch movies; all his children also took pictures. In the 1900s, he became interested in a then new type of transport - cars (“the tsar had one of the most extensive car parks in Europe”).
The official government press organ in 1913, in an essay on the domestic and family side of the emperor's life, wrote, in particular: “The sovereign does not like the so-called secular pleasures. His favorite entertainment is the hereditary passion of the Russian Tsars - hunting. It is arranged both in the permanent places of the Tsar's stay, and in special places adapted for this - in Spala, near Skiernevitsy, in Belovezhye.
At the age of 9 he began to keep a diary. The archive contains 50 voluminous notebooks - the original diary for 1882-1918; some of them have been published.
Family. Spouse's political influence
"> " title=" Letter from V.K. Nikolai Mikhailovich to Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna on December 16, 1916: All of Russia knows that the late Rasputin and A.F. are one and the same. The first one is killed, now it must disappear and another" align="right" class="img"> !}The first conscious meeting of Tsarevich Nicholas with his future wife took place in January 1889 (the second visit of Princess Alice to Russia), when a mutual attraction arose. In the same year, Nikolai asked his father for permission to marry her, but was refused. In August 1890, during Alice's 3rd visit, Nikolai's parents did not allow him to see her; a letter in the same year to Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna from the English Queen Victoria, in which the grandmother of a potential bride probed the prospects, also had a negative result. marriage union. However, due to the deteriorating health of Alexander III and the perseverance of the Tsesarevich, on April 8 (O.S.) 1894 in Coburg at the wedding of the Duke of Hesse Ernst-Ludwig (brother of Alice) and Princess Victoria-Melita of Edinburgh (daughter of Duke Alfred and Maria Alexandrovna) their engagement took place, announced in Russia by a simple newspaper notice.
On November 14, 1894, the marriage of Nicholas II with the German princess Alice of Hesse took place, who, after chrismation (performed on October 21, 1894 in Livadia), took the name of Alexandra Feodorovna. In subsequent years, they had four daughters - Olga (November 3, 1895), Tatiana (May 29, 1897), Maria (June 14, 1899) and Anastasia (June 5, 1901). On July 30 (August 12), 1904, the fifth child and only son, Tsarevich Alexei Nikolayevich, appeared in Peterhof.
All correspondence between Alexandra Feodorovna and Nicholas II has been preserved (in English); only one letter from Alexandra Feodorovna has been lost, all her letters are numbered by the empress herself; published in Berlin in 1922.
Senator Vl. I. Gurko attributed the origins of Alexandra's intervention in the affairs of state government to the beginning of 1905, when the tsar was in a particularly difficult political situation - when he began to transmit state acts issued by him for viewing; Gurko believed: “If the Sovereign, due to his lack of the necessary internal power, did not possess the authority proper for a ruler, then the Empress, on the contrary, was all woven from authority, which also relied on her inherent arrogance.”
About the role of the empress in the development of the revolutionary situation in Russia in the last years of the monarchy, General A. I. Denikin wrote in his memoirs:
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“All sorts of options regarding Rasputin’s influence penetrated the front, and censorship collected enormous material on this subject even in soldiers’ letters from the army in the field. But the most striking impression was made by the fateful word: It refers to the Empress. In the army, loudly, not embarrassed by either place or time, there was talk of the empress's insistent demand for a separate peace, of her betrayal of Field Marshal Kitchener, about whose trip she allegedly informed the Germans, and so on. The impression that the rumor about the betrayal of the Empress made in the army, I believe that this circumstance played a huge role in the mood of the army, in its attitude towards both the dynasty and the revolution. General Alekseev, to whom I asked this painful question in the spring of 1917, answered me somehow vaguely and reluctantly: When parsing the papers, the empress found a map with a detailed designation of the troops of the entire front, which was made only in two copies - for me and for the sovereign. This made a depressing impression on me. Few people could use it ... Say no more. Changed the conversation ... History will undoubtedly find out the extremely negative influence that Empress Alexandra Feodorovna had on the management of the Russian state in the period preceding the revolution. As for the question of “treason”, this unfortunate rumor was not confirmed by a single fact, and was subsequently refuted by an investigation of the Muravyov Commission specially appointed by the Provisional Government, with the participation of representatives from the Council of R. [Workers] and S. [Soldatsky] Deputies. » |
Personal assessments of contemporaries who knew him
Different opinions about the willpower of Nicholas II and his accessibility to the influences of the environment
Former Chairman Council of Ministers, Count S. Yu. Witte, in connection with the critical situation on the eve of the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, when the possibility of introducing a military dictatorship in the country, wrote in his memoirs:
General A.F. Rediger (as Minister of War in 1905-1909, twice a week had a personal report to the sovereign) in his memoirs (1917-1918) wrote about him: “Before the report began, the sovereign always talked about something extraneous; if there was no other topic, then about the weather, about his walk, about the test portion, which was served to him daily before reports, then from the Convoy, then from the Consolidated Regiment. He was very fond of these cookings and once told me that he had just tasted pearl barley soup, which he cannot achieve at home: Kyuba (his cook) says that such a fat can only be achieved by cooking for a hundred people The sovereign considered it his duty to appoint senior commanders know. He had an amazing memory. He knew a lot of people who served in the Guard or for some reason they saw, he remembered the military exploits of individuals and military units, he knew the units that rebelled and remained loyal during the unrest, he knew the number and name of each regiment, the composition of each division and corps, the location many parts ... He told me that in rare cases of insomnia, he begins to list the shelves in memory in order of numbers and usually falls asleep when he reaches the reserve parts that he does not know so firmly. In order to know life in the regiments, he daily read the orders for the Preobrazhensky Regiment and explained to me that he reads them daily, since if you just miss a few days, you will spoil yourself and stop reading them. He liked to dress lightly and told me that he sweated otherwise, especially when he was nervous. At first, he willingly wore a white jacket of a marine style at home, and then, when the old uniform with crimson silk shirts was returned to the arrows of the imperial family, he almost always wore it at home, moreover, in the summer heat - right on his naked body. Despite the hard days that fell to his lot, he never lost his composure, he always remained an even and affable, equally diligent worker. He told me that he was an optimist, and indeed, even in difficult times, he kept faith in the future, in the power and greatness of Russia. Always friendly and affectionate, he made a charming impression. His inability to refuse someone's request, especially if it came from a well-deserved person and was somehow feasible, sometimes interfered with the case and put the minister in a difficult position, who had to be strict and renew the command staff of the army, but at the same time increased the charm his personality. His reign was unsuccessful and, moreover, through his own fault. His shortcomings are visible to everyone, they are also visible from my real memories. His merits are easily forgotten, since they were visible only to those who saw him close, and I consider it my duty to note them, especially since I still remember him with the warmest feeling and sincere regret.
In close contact with the tsar in the last months before the revolution, Protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy Georgy Shavelsky, in his study, written in exile in the 1930s, wrote about him: from people and life. And Emperor Nicholas II raised this wall even higher with an artificial superstructure. It was itself characteristic feature his mental disposition and his regal action. This happened against his will, thanks to his manner of treating his subjects. Once he told the Minister of Foreign Affairs S. D. Sazonov: “I try not to seriously think about anything, otherwise I would have been in a coffin a long time ago.” He put his interlocutor in a strictly defined framework. The conversation began exclusively apolitical. The sovereign showed great attention and interest in the personality of the interlocutor: in the stages of his service, in exploits and merits. But as soon as the interlocutor went beyond this framework - to touch on any ailments of the current life, the sovereign immediately changed or directly stopped the conversation.
Senator Vladimir Gurko wrote in exile: “The public environment that was to the heart of Nicholas II, where he, by his own admission, rested his soul, was the environment of guards officers, as a result of which he so willingly accepted invitations to officer meetings of the guards most familiar to him in terms of their personnel. regiments and, it happened, sat on them until the morning. His officer meetings were attracted by the ease that reigned in them, the absence of painful court etiquette, in many ways, the Sovereign retained children's tastes and inclinations until old age.
Awards
Russian
- Order of St. Andrew the First-Called (05/20/1868)
- Order of St. Alexander Nevsky (05/20/1868)
- Order of the White Eagle (05/20/1868)
- Order of St. Anne 1st class (05/20/1868)
- Order of St. Stanislaus 1st class (05/20/1868)
- Order of St. Vladimir 4th class (08/30/1890)
- Order of St. George 4th class (25.10.1915)
Foreign
Higher degrees:
- Order of the Wendish Crown (Mecklenburg-Schwerin) (01/09/1879)
- Order of the Netherlands Lion (03/15/1881)
- Order of Merit of Duke Peter-Friedrich-Ludwig (Oldenburg) (04/15/1881)
- Order of the Rising Sun (Japan) (09/04/1882)
- Order of Fidelity (Baden) (05/15/1883)
- Order of the Golden Fleece (Spain) (05/15/1883)
- Order of Christ (Portugal) (05/15/1883)
- Order of the White Falcon (Saxe-Weimar) (05/15/1883)
- Order of the Seraphim (Sweden) (05/15/1883)
- Order of Ludwig (Hesse-Darmstadt) (05/02/1884)
- Order of St. Stephen (Austria-Hungary) (05/06/1884)
- Order of Saint Hubert (Bavaria) (05/06/1884)
- Order of Leopold (Belgium) (05/06/1884)
- Order of St. Alexander (Bulgaria) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Württemberg Crown (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Savior (Greece) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Elephant (Denmark) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Holy Sepulcher (Patriarchate of Jerusalem) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Annunciation (Italy) (05/06/1884)
- Order of Saint Mauritius and Lazarus (Italy) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Italian Crown (Italy) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Black Eagle (German Empire) (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Romanian Star (05/06/1884)
- Order of the Legion of Honor (05/06/1884)
- Order of Osmanie (Ottoman Empire) (07/28/1884)
- Portrait of the Persian Shah (07/28/1884)
- Order of the Southern Cross (Brazil) (09/19/1884)
- Order of Noble Bukhara (02.11.1885), with diamond signs (27.02.1889)
- Family Order of the Chakri Dynasty (Siam) (03/08/1891)
- Order of the Crown of the State of Bukhara with diamond signs (11/21/1893)
- Order of the Seal of Solomon 1st class (Ethiopia) (06/30/1895)
- Order of the Double Dragon, studded with diamonds (04/22/1896)
- Order of the Sun Alexander (Emirate of Bukhara) (05/18/1898)
- Order of the Bath (Britain)
- Order of the Garter (Britain)
- Royal Victorian Order (Britain) (1904)
- Order of Charles I (Romania) (15.06.1906)
After death
Assessment in Russian emigration
In the preface to his memoirs, General A. A. Mosolov, who for a number of years was in the close circle of the emperor, wrote in the early 1930s: “Tsar Nicholas II, His family and His entourage were almost the only object of accusation for many circles representing the Russian public opinion of the pre-revolutionary era. After the catastrophic collapse of our fatherland, the accusations focused almost exclusively on the Sovereign. General Mosolov took special role in the aversion of society from the imperial family and from the throne in general - to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna: “the discord between society and the court became so aggravated that society, instead of maintaining the throne, according to its rooted monarchical views, turned away from it and looked with real gloating to its downfall."
From the beginning of the 1920s, monarchically-minded circles of the Russian emigration published works about the last tsar, which had an apologetic (later also hagiographic) character and propaganda orientation; the most famous among those was the study of Professor S. S. Oldenburg, published in 2 volumes in Belgrade (1939) and Munich (1949), respectively. One of the final conclusions of Oldenburg read: “The most difficult and most forgotten feat of Emperor Nicholas II was that He, under incredibly difficult conditions, brought Russia to the threshold of victory: His opponents did not let her cross this threshold.”
Official assessment in the USSR
An article about him in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1st edition; 1939): “Nicholas II was just as limited and ignorant as his father. The features of a stupid, narrow-minded, suspicious and proud despot inherent in Nicholas II during his tenure on the throne received a particularly vivid expression. The mental squalor and moral decay of the court circles reached their extreme limits. The regime was rotting in the bud Until the last minute, Nicholas II remained what he was - a stupid autocrat, unable to understand either the environment or even his own benefits. He was preparing to march on Petrograd in order to drown revolutionary movement and, together with the generals close to him, discussed the plan of treason. »
The later (post-war) Soviet historiographical publications, intended for a wide range, in describing the history of Russia during the reign of Nicholas II, sought, as far as possible, to avoid mentioning him as a person and personality: for example, “A Handbook on the History of the USSR for Preparatory Departments of Universities” ( 1979) on 82 pages of text (without illustrations), outlining the socio-economic and political development of the Russian Empire in this period, mentions the name of the emperor, who was at the head of the state at the time described, only once - when describing the events of his abdication in favor of his brother (nothing is said about his accession; the name of V.I. Lenin is mentioned 121 times on the same pages).
church veneration
Since the 1920s, in the Russian diaspora, at the initiative of the Union of Zealots for the Memory of Emperor Nicholas II, regular funeral commemorations of Emperor Nicholas II were held three times a year (on his birthday, name day and on the anniversary of the murder), but his veneration as a saint began to spread after Second World War.
On October 19 (November 1), 1981, Emperor Nicholas and his family were glorified by the Russian Church Abroad (ROCOR), which at that time did not have church communion with the Moscow Patriarchate in the USSR.
The decision of the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church of August 20, 2000: “To glorify the Imperial Family as martyrs in the host of new martyrs and confessors of Russia: Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, Tsarevich Alexy, Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia.” Memorial Day: 4 (17) July.
The act of canonization was perceived by Russian society ambiguously: opponents of canonization argue that the proclamation of Nicholas II as a saint was of a political nature.
In 2003, in Yekaterinburg, on the site of the demolished house of engineer N. N. Ipatiev, where Nicholas II and his family were shot, the Church-on-the-Blood was built? in the name of All the Saints who shone in the Russian land, in front of which a monument to the family of Nicholas II was erected.
Rehabilitation. Identification of remains
In December 2005, the representative of the head of the Russian Imperial House, Maria Vladimirovna Romanova, sent a statement to the Russian prosecutor's office about the rehabilitation of the executed ex-emperor Nicholas II and members of his family as victims of political repression. According to the application, after a series of refusals to satisfy, on October 1, 2008, the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation made a decision (despite the opinion of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, who stated in court that the requirements for rehabilitation do not comply with the provisions of the law due to the fact that these persons were not arrested for political reasons , and no court decision on execution was made) on the rehabilitation of the last Russian Emperor Nicholas II and members of his family.
On October 30 of the same 2008, it was reported that the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation decided to rehabilitate 52 people from the entourage of Emperor Nicholas II and his family.
In December 2008, at a scientific and practical conference held on the initiative of the Investigative Committee under the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation, with the participation of geneticists from Russia and the United States, it was stated that the remains found in 1991 near Yekaterinburg and buried on June 17, 1998 in the Catherine's aisle of the Peter and Paul Cathedral (St. Petersburg), belong to Nicholas II. In January 2009, the Investigative Committee completed the investigation of the criminal case into the circumstances of the death and burial of the family of Nicholas II; the investigation was terminated “due to the expiration of the statute of limitations for bringing to justice and the death of the perpetrators of the premeditated murder”
The representative of M. V. Romanova, who calls herself the head of the Russian Imperial House, stated in 2009 that “Maria Vladimirovna fully shares the position of the Russian Orthodox Church on this issue, which did not find sufficient grounds for recognizing the “Ekaterinburg remains” as belonging to members of the Royal Family.” Other representatives of the Romanovs, led by N. R. Romanov, took a different position: the latter, in particular, took part in the burial of the remains in July 1998, saying: “We have come to close the era.”
Monuments to Emperor Nicholas II
Even during the life of the last Emperor, at least twelve monuments were erected in his honor, connected with his visits to various cities and military camps. Basically, these monuments were columns or obelisks with the imperial monogram and the corresponding inscription. The only monument, which was a bronze bust of the Emperor on a high granite pedestal, was erected in Helsingfors for the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. To date, none of these monuments has survived. (Sokol K. G. Monumental monuments of the Russian Empire. Catalog. M., 2006, pp. 162-165)
By the irony of history, the first monument to the Russian Tsar-Martyr was erected in 1924 in Germany by the Germans who fought with Russia - the officers of one of the Prussian regiments, whose Chief was Emperor Nicholas II, "erected a worthy monument to Him in an extremely honorable place."
Currently, monumental monuments to Emperor Nicholas II, from small busts to bronze statues in full height installed in the following cities and towns:
- settlement Vyritsa, Gatchina district, Leningrad region On the territory of the mansion of S. V. Vasiliev. Bronze statue of the Emperor on a high pedestal. Opened in 2007
- ur. Ganina Yama, near Yekaterinburg. In the complex of the monastery of the Holy Royal Passion-bearers. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened in the 2000s.
- Yekaterinburg city. Near the Church of All Saints in the Russian land shone (Church-on-Blood). The bronze composition includes figures of the Emperor and members of His Family. Opened on July 16, 2003, sculptors K. V. Grunberg and A. G. Mazaev.
- With. Klementyevo (near the city of Sergiev Posad), Moscow region. Behind the altar of the Assumption Church. Plaster bust on a pedestal. Opened in 2007
- Kursk. Next to the church of the saints Faith, Hope, Love and their mother Sophia (pr. Friendship). Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened on September 24, 2003, sculptor V. M. Klykov.
- Moscow city. At the Vagankovsky cemetery, next to the Church of the Resurrection of the Word. Memorial monument, which is a marble cross and four granite slabs with carved inscriptions. Opened May 19, 1991, sculptor N. Pavlov. On July 19, 1997, the memorial was seriously damaged by an explosion, was subsequently restored, but in November 2003 it was again damaged.
- Podolsk, Moscow region On the territory of the estate of V.P. Melikhov, next to the Church of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearers. The first plaster monument by sculptor V. M. Klykov, representing a full-length statue of the Emperor, was opened on July 28, 1998, but on November 1, 1998 it was blown up. A new, this time bronze, monument based on the same model was reopened on January 16, 1999.
- Pushkin. Near the Feodorovsky Sovereign Cathedral. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened on July 17, 1993, sculptor V.V. Zaiko.
- Saint Petersburg. Behind the altar of the Exaltation of the Cross Church (Ligovsky pr., 128). Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened May 19, 2002, sculptor S. Yu. Alipov.
- Sochi. On the territory of the Michael - Archangel Cathedral. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened November 21, 2008, sculptor V. Zelenko.
- settlement Syrostan (near the city of Miass) of the Chelyabinsk region. Near Holy Cross Church. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened in July 1996, sculptor P. E. Lyovochkin.
- With. Taininskoye (near the city of Mytishchi), Moscow Region. Statue of the Emperor in full growth on a high pedestal. Opened May 26, 1996, sculptor V. M. Klykov. On April 1, 1997, the monument was blown up, but three years later it was restored according to the same model and reopened on August 20, 2000.
- settlement Shushenskoye, Krasnoyarsk Territory. Near the factory entrance of Shushenskaya Marka LLC (Pionerskaya st., 10). Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened on December 24, 2010, sculptor K. M. Zinich.
- In 2007, at the Russian Academy of Arts, the sculptor Z. K. Tsereteli presented a monumental bronze composition consisting of the figures of the Emperor and members of His Family standing in front of the executioners in the basement of the Ipatiev House, and depicting the last minutes of their lives. To date, not a single city has yet expressed a desire to establish this monument.
The memorial temples - monuments to the Emperor should include:
- Temple - a monument to the Tsar - Martyr Nicholas II in Brussels. It was founded on February 2, 1936, built according to the project of the architect N.I. Istselenov, and solemnly consecrated on October 1, 1950 by Metropolitan Anastassy (Gribanovsky). The temple - a monument is under the jurisdiction of the ROC (h).
- Church of All Saints in the Russian land shone (Temple - on - Blood) in Yekaterinburg. (See a separate article on Wikipedia about him)
Filmography
Several feature films have been made about Nicholas II and his family, among which we can distinguish Agony (1981), the English-American film Nicholas and Alexandra ( Nicholas and Alexandra, 1971) and two Russian films The Tsar Killer (1991) and The Romanovs. Crowned family "(2000). Hollywood made several films about the allegedly saved daughter of Tsar Anastasia "Anastasia" ( Anastasia, 1956) and "Anastasia, or the secret of Anna" ( , USA, 1986), as well as the cartoon "Anastasia" ( Anastasia, USA, 1997).
Movie incarnations
- Alexander Galibin (Life of Klim Samgin 1987, "The Romanovs. Crowned Family" (2000)
- Anatoly Romashin (Agony 1974/1981)
- Oleg Yankovsky (Regicide)
- Andrei Rostotsky (Split 1993, Dreams 1993, Your Cross)
- Andrey Kharitonov (Sins of the Fathers 2004)
- Borislav Brondukov (Kotsiubinsky Family)
- Gennady Glagolev (Pale Horse)
- Nikolai Burlyaev (Admiral)
- Michael Jayston ("Nicholas and Alexandra" Nicholas and Alexandra, 1971)
- Omar Sharif (Anastasia, or Anna's Secret) Anastasia: The Mystery of Anna, USA, 1986)
- Ian McKellen (Rasputin, USA, 1996)
- Alexander Galibin ("The Life of Klim Samgin" 1987, "Romanovs. Crowned Family", 2000)
- Oleg Yankovsky ("Regicide", 1991)
- Andrey Rostotsky ("Split", 1993, "Dreams", 1993, "Own Cross")
- Vladimir Baranov (Russian Ark, 2002)
- Gennady Glagolev ("White Horse", 2003)
- Andrei Kharitonov ("Sins of the Fathers", 2004)
- Andrey Nevraev ("Death of the Empire", 2005)
- Evgeny Stychkin (You are my happiness, 2005)
- Mikhail Eliseev (Stolypin... Unlearned Lessons, 2006)
- Yaroslav Ivanov ("Conspiracy", 2007)
- Nikolai Burlyaev (Admiral, 2008)
On December 12, Channel One will show an 8-episode dedicated to the last days of the reign of Emperor Nicholas II, as well as one of the most mysterious close associates of the royal family - the elder. Nicholas II and his family (wife and children) - the last representatives of the Romanov dynasty and the last rulers of the Russian Empire, who were shot by the Bolsheviks in July 1918.
In Soviet textbooks, the autocrat was presented as a “strangler of freedoms” who was not interested in state affairs, and the Russian Orthodox Church (though already today) canonized the tsar as a martyr and passion-bearer. Let's figure out how modern historians evaluate life and rule.
Life and reign of Nicholas II
TraditionNicholas - the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III - was born in Tsarskoye Selo on May 6 (18), 1868. The heir to the throne received a deep education at home: he knew several languages, world history, understood economics and military affairs. Together with his father, Nikolai made many trips to the provinces of Russia.
Tradition Alexander III did not make indulgences: he wanted the offspring to behave like ordinary children - they played, fought, sometimes played pranks, but most importantly, they studied well and "did not think about any thrones."
Contemporaries described Nicholas II as very easy to communicate, full of true human dignity. He never interrupted his interlocutor and did not raise his voice, even at the lowest in rank. The emperor was indulgent to human weaknesses and good-naturedly treated ordinary people- to the peasants, however, he never forgave what he called "dark money matters."
In 1894, after the death of his father, Nicholas II ascended the throne. The years of his reign fell on a turbulent period in history. Revolutionary currents were born all over the world, in 1914 the First World War began. However, even in such difficult times, he managed to significantly improve the economic situation of the state.
Arguments and Facts Here are just some facts about the reign of Nicholas II:
- During his reign, the population of the empire increased by 50 million people.
- 4 million rubles, left by Alexander III as a legacy to children and kept in a London bank, were spent on charity.
- The emperor approved all petitions for pardon that were sent to him.
- The grain harvest has doubled.
- Nicholas II carried out a military reform: he reduced the terms of service, improved living conditions for soldiers and sailors, and also contributed to the rejuvenation of the officers.
- During the First World War, he did not sit out in the palace, but took command of the Russian army, finally managing to repulse Germany.
Kommersant However, the emerging revolutionary moods increasingly captured the thoughts of people. On March 2, 1917, under pressure from the high command, he handed over the Abdication Manifesto, in which he bequeathed the army to obey the Provisional Government.
Modern historians believe that the Manifesto was a forgery. In the original draft, Nicholas II only urged to listen to the bosses, observe discipline and “defend Russia with all your might.” Later, Alekseev only added a couple of sentences (“I am addressing you for the last time ...”) to change the meaning of the words of the autocrat.
Wife of Nicholas II - Alexandra Feodorovna
Subscription to publications The Empress (née Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt) was born on May 25 (June 6), 1872. She received a new name after baptism and marriage with Nicholas II. The upbringing of the future empress was carried out by the English Queen Victoria, who adored her granddaughter.
Alice graduated from the University of Heidelberg with a bachelor's degree in philosophy.
In May 1884, at the wedding of her sister Elizabeth Feodorovna, she met Nikolai Alexandrovich. The wedding took place on November 14 (26), 1894, just 3 weeks after the death of Emperor Alexander.
During the war years, Empress Alexandra and the Grand Duchesses personally assisted in operations in hospitals, received amputated limbs from surgeons and washed festering wounds.
Arguments and Facts Despite the fact that the Empress was not popular in her new homeland, she herself fell in love with Russia with all her heart. The daughter of Dr. Botkin wrote in her diary that after Nicholas II read the manifesto about the war with Germany (her historical homeland), Alexandra cried with joy.
Nevertheless, the liberals considered her the head of the court Germanophile group and accused Nicholas II of being too dependent on the opinion of his wife. Because of the negative attitude, the princess, who was once sparkling with joy, “the ray of sunshine of Windsor” (as Nicholas II called Alexandra at one time) gradually became isolated in a narrow circle of her family and 2-3 close associates.
Especially a lot of controversy was caused by her friendship with the old man, the Siberian peasant Grigory Rasputin.
Children of Nicholas II
Sites - Google The family of Nicholas II Romanov raised five children: four daughters (Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia) and a son - the heir to the throne Alexei Nikolayevich.
Olga Nikolaevna Romanova
Wikipedia Olga - eldest daughter Nicholas II - gave the impression of a tender and fragile girl. From an early age, she showed a passion for books and was a very erudite child. However, at times the Grand Duchess was hot-tempered and stubborn. Teachers noted that the girl had an almost absolute ear for music - she could play almost any melody heard somewhere.
Princess Olga did not like luxury and was modest. She did not like housekeeping, but she enjoyed reading, playing the piano and drawing.
Tatyana Nikolaevna Romanova
Wikipedia Tatyana Nikolaevna was born on May 29, 1897. As a child, most of all she loved to ride a pony and a tandem bike with her sister Olga, she could wander around the garden for hours, picking flowers and berries.
In character, Tatyana was like her mother: she laughed less often than other sisters, and was often thoughtful and strict.
Unlike her older sister, the girl loved to be in charge, and she did it very well. When her mother was absent, Tatyana embroidered, ironed linen and managed to follow the younger children.
Maria Nikolaevna Romanova
Wikipedia The third daughter in the family of Nicholas II - Maria - was born on the night of June 14, 1899 in a summer residence in Peterhof. Very large and strong for her age, she subsequently carried her brother Alexei in her arms when it was difficult for him to walk. Because of her simplicity and cheerful disposition, the sisters called her Masha. The girl loved to talk with the soldiers of the guard and always remembered the names of their wives, who had how many children.
At the age of 14, she became a colonel of the 9th Kazan Dragoon Regiment. Then her romance broke out with officer Demenkov. When her lover went to the front, Maria personally sewed a shirt for him. In telephone conversations, he assured that the shirt fit. Unfortunately, the end of the love story was tragic: Nikolai Demenkov was killed during the civil war.
Anastasia Nikolaevna Romanova
Wikipedia Princess Anastasia was born when the family of Nicholas II and Alexandra already had three daughters. Outwardly, she looked like her father, often laughed out loud and laughed. From the diaries of those close to the royal family, you can find out that Anastasia was distinguished by a very cheerful and even mischievous character. The girl loved to play bast shoes and forfeits, she could tirelessly rush around the palace, playing hide and seek, climbed trees. But in her studies she was never particularly diligent and even tried to bribe teachers with bouquets of flowers.
Alexey Nikolaevich Romanov
Wikipedia The long-awaited son of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna was the youngest of the children of the royal couple. The boy was born on July 30 (August 12), 1904. At first, the Tsarevich grew up cheerful cheerful child, but later a terrible genetic disease appeared - hemophilia. This complicated the education and training of the future emperor. Only Rasputin managed to find a way to alleviate the boy's suffering.
Aleksey Nikolaevich himself wrote in his diary: “When I am king, there will be no poor and unhappy people, I want everyone to be happy.”
Execution of Nicholas II and his family
All of Switzerland in the palm of your hand After signing the manifesto from March 9 to August 14, 1917, the royal family of Nicholas II lived under arrest in Tsarskoye Selo. In the summer they were moved to Tobolsk, where the regime was a little lenient: the Romanovs were allowed to walk across the street to the Church of the Annunciation and lead a quiet home life.
While in prison, the family of Tsar Nicholas II did not sit idle: the former monarch personally chopped firewood and looked after the garden.
In the spring of 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee decided to transfer the Romanov family to Moscow for trial. However, it never took place. On July 12, the Ural Soviet of Workers' Deputies decided to execute the former emperor. Nicholas II, Alexandra Fedorovna, their children, as well as Dr. Botkin and servants were shot in Yekaterinburg in the “House of Special Purpose” on the night of July 17, 1918.
Biography of Emperor Nicholas 2 Alexandrovich
Nicholas II Alexandrovich (born - May 6 (18), 1868, death - July 17, 1918, Yekaterinburg) - Emperor of All Russia, from the imperial house of the Romanovs.
Childhood
The heir to the Russian throne, Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich grew up in the atmosphere of a luxurious imperial court, but in a strict and, one might say, Spartan atmosphere. His father, Emperor Alexander III, and his mother, the Danish Princess Dagmar (Empress Maria Feodorovna), in principle did not allow any weaknesses and sentiments in the upbringing of children. A strict daily routine was always established for them, with obligatory daily lessons, attendance at church services, indispensable visits to relatives, obligatory participation in many official ceremonies. The children slept on simple soldier bunks with hard pillows, took cold baths in the morning and were given oatmeal for breakfast.
Youth of the future emperor
1887 - Nikolai was promoted to staff captain and assigned to the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. There he was listed for two years, first acting as a platoon commander, and then as a company commander. Then, in order to join the cavalry service, his father transferred him to the Life Guards Hussar Regiment, where Nikolai took command of the squadron.
Due to his modesty and simplicity, the prince was quite popular among fellow officers. 1890 - his studies ended. The father did not burden the heir to the throne with state affairs. He appeared from time to time at meetings of the Council of State, but his gaze was constantly fixed on the clock. Like all guard officers, Nikolai devoted a lot of time to social life, often went to the theater: he adored opera and ballet.
Nicholas and Alice of Hesse
Nicholas II in childhood and youth
Obviously, women also occupied him. But it is interesting that Nicholas experienced the first serious feeling for Princess Alice of Hesse, who later became his wife. They first met in 1884 in St. Petersburg at the wedding of Ella of Hesse (Alice's older sister) with Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. She was 12 years old, he was 16. 1889 - Alix spent 6 weeks in St. Petersburg.
Later, Nikolai wrote: “I dream of marrying Alix G someday. I have loved her for a long time, but especially deeply and strongly since 1889 ... All this long time I did not believe my feeling, did not believe that my cherished dream could come true.”
In fact, the heir had to overcome many obstacles. Parents offered Nicholas other parties, but he resolutely refused to associate himself with any other princess.
Ascension to the throne
1894, spring - Alexander III and Maria Feodorovna were forced to give in to the desire of their son. Preparations for the wedding have begun. But before they could play it, on October 20, 1894, Alexander III died. For no one, the death of the emperor was more significant than for the 26-year-old young man who inherited his throne.
“I saw tears in his eyes,” Grand Duke Alexander recalled. He took my arm and led me down to his room. We hugged and both cried. He couldn't collect his thoughts. He knew that he had now become emperor, and the severity of this terrible event struck him ... “Sandro, what should I do? he exclaimed pathetically. - What should happen to me, to you ... to Alix, to her mother, to all of Russia? I'm not ready to be king. I never wanted to be him. I don't understand anything about government matters. I don’t even have a clue how to talk to ministers.”
The next day, when the palace was draped in black, Alix converted to Orthodoxy and from that day on she became known as Grand Duchess Alexandra Feodorovna. On November 7, the solemn burial of the late emperor took place in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg, and a week later, the marriage of Nicholas and Alexandra took place. On the occasion of mourning, there was no solemn reception and honeymoon trip.
Personal life and the royal family
1895, spring - Nicholas II moved his wife to Tsarskoe Selo. They settled in the Alexander Palace, which remained the main home of the imperial couple for 22 years. Everything here was arranged according to their tastes and desires, and therefore Tsarskoye always remained their favorite place. Nikolai usually got up at 7, had breakfast and disappeared into his office to start work.
By nature, he was a loner and preferred to do everything himself. At 11 o'clock the king interrupted his studies and went for a walk in the park. When the children appeared, they invariably accompanied him on these walks. Dinner in the middle of the day was the official ceremonial procedure. Although the empress was generally absent, the emperor dined with his daughters and members of his retinue. The meal began according to Russian custom with a prayer.
Neither Nikolai nor Alexandra liked expensive complex dishes. He received great pleasure from borscht, porridge, boiled fish with vegetables. But the favorite dish of the king was a roasted young pig with horseradish, which he washed down with port wine. After dinner, Nikolai took a ride on horseback along the surrounding country roads in the direction of Krasnoye Selo. At 4 o'clock the family gathered for tea. According to the etiquette introduced yet, only crackers, butter and English biscuits were served with tea. Cakes and sweets were not allowed. Sipping tea, Nikolai skimmed through newspapers and telegrams. Afterwards, he returned to his work, receiving a flood of visitors between 5 and 8 pm.
Exactly at 20:00, all official meetings ended, and Nicholas II could go to dinner. In the evening, the emperor would often sit in the family living room reading aloud while his wife and daughters did their needlework. According to his choice, it could be Tolstoy, Turgenev or his favorite writer Gogol. However, there could be some fashionable romance. The personal librarian of the sovereign selected for him 20 of the best books per month from all over the world. Sometimes, instead of reading, the family spent their evenings pasting photographs taken by the court photographer or themselves into green leather albums embossed with the royal monogram in gold.
Nicholas II with his wife
The end of the day came at 23:00 with evening tea. Before he retired, the emperor made entries in his diary, and then took a bath, went to bed and usually fell asleep immediately. It is noted that, unlike many families of European monarchs, the Russian imperial couple had a common bed.
1904, July 30 (August 12) - the 5th child was born in the imperial family. To the great joy of the parents, it was a boy. The king wrote in his diary: “A great unforgettable day for us, on which the mercy of God so clearly visited us. At 1 o'clock in the afternoon, Alix had a son, who, during prayer, was named Alexei.
On the occasion of the appearance of the heir, cannons were fired all over Russia, bells rang and flags fluttered. However, a few weeks later the imperial couple was shocked by the terrible news - it turned out that their son was sick with hemophilia. The following years passed in a hard struggle for the life and health of the heir. Any bleeding, any injection could lead to death. The torments of the beloved son tore the hearts of the parents. The illness of Alexei had a particularly painful effect on the empress, who over the years began to suffer from hysteria, she became suspicious and extremely religious.
Reign of Nicholas II
Meanwhile, Russia was going through one of the most turbulent periods of its history. After the Japanese war, the first revolution began, suppressed with great difficulty. Nicholas II had to agree to the establishment of the State Duma. The next 7 years were lived in peace and even with relative prosperity.
Stolypin, nominated by the emperor, began to carry out his own reforms. At one time it seemed that Russia would be able to avoid new social upheavals, but the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 made revolution inevitable. The crushing defeats of the Russian army in the spring and summer of 1915 forced Nicholas 2 to lead the troops himself.
Since that time, he was on duty in Mogilev and could not delve deeply into state affairs. Alexandra, with great zeal, undertook to help her husband, but it seems that she harmed him more than actually helped. And senior officials, and grand dukes, and foreign diplomats felt the approach of the revolution. They tried their best to warn the emperor. Repeatedly during these months, Nicholas II was offered to remove Alexandra from business and create a government in which the people and the Duma would have confidence. But all these attempts were unsuccessful. The emperor gave his word, in spite of everything, to preserve autocracy in Russia and to transfer it whole and unshakable to his son; now, when pressure was exerted on him from all sides, he remained true to his oath.
Revolution. Abdication
1917, February 22 - having not decided on a new government, Nicholas II went to Headquarters. Immediately after his departure, unrest broke out in Petrograd. On February 27, the alarmed emperor decided to return to the capital. On the way, at one of the stations, he accidentally learned that a provisional committee of the State Duma, led by Rodzianko, was already operating in Petrograd. Then, after consulting with the generals of the retinue, Nikolai decided to make his way to Pskov. Here, on March 1, from the commander of the Northern Front, General Ruzsky, Nikolai learned the latest amazing news: the entire garrison of Petrograd and Tsarskoe Selo went over to the side of the revolution.
His example was followed by the guards, the Cossack convoy and the Guards crew with Grand Duke Kirill at the head. The negotiations with the commanders of the fronts, undertaken by telegraph, finally defeated the tsar. All the generals were merciless and unanimous: it was no longer possible to stop the revolution by force; in order to avoid civil war and bloodshed, Emperor Nicholas 2 must abdicate the throne. After painful hesitation late in the evening of March 2, Nicholas signed his abdication.
Arrest
Nicholas 2 with his wife and children
The next day, he ordered his train to go to Headquarters, to Mogilev, as he wanted to finally say goodbye to the army. Here, on March 8, the emperor was arrested and taken under escort to Tsarskoye Selo. From that day began for him a time of constant humiliation. The guard behaved defiantly rudely. It was even more offensive to see the betrayal of those people who are used to being considered the closest. Almost all the servants and most of the ladies-in-waiting left the palace and the empress. Doctor Ostrogradsky refused to go to the sick Alexei, saying that he "finds the road too dirty" for further visits.
In the meantime, the situation in the state began to worsen again. Kerensky, who by that time had become the head of the Provisional Government, decided that for security reasons the royal family should be sent away from the capital. After long hesitation, he gave the order to transport the Romanovs to Tobolsk. The move took place in early August in deep secrecy.
The royal family lived in Tobolsk for 8 months. Her financial situation was very cramped. Alexandra wrote to Anna Vyrubova: “I knit socks for the little one (Aleksey). He asks for a couple more, since everything is in holes ... I'm doing everything now. My father's (tsar's) trousers were torn and needed mending, and the girls' underwear was in tatters... I became completely gray-haired...' After the October coup, the situation of the prisoners became even worse.
1918, April - the Romanov family was moved to Yekaterinburg, they were settled in the house of the merchant Ipatiev, who was destined to become their last prison. 12 people settled in the 5 upper rooms of the 2nd floor. Nikolai, Alexandra and Alexei lived in the first, and the Grand Duchesses lived in the second. The rest was divided among the servants. In the new place, the former emperor and his relatives felt like real prisoners. Behind the fence and on the street there was an external guard of the Red Guards. There were always several people with revolvers in the house.
This inner guard was selected from the most reliable Bolsheviks and was very hostile. It was commanded by Alexander Avdeev, who called the emperor none other than "Nicholas the Bloody." None of the members of the royal family could retire, and even to the toilet, the grand duchesses were accompanied by one of the guards. For breakfast, only black bread and tea were served. Lunch consisted of soup and meatballs. Guards often took pieces from the pan in front of the diners. The clothes of the prisoners were completely dilapidated.
On July 4, the Ural Soviet removed Avdeev and his people. In their place came 10 Chekists led by Yurovsky. Despite the fact that he was much more polite than Avdeev, Nikolai from the first days felt the threat emanating from him. In fact, clouds were gathering over the family of the last Russian emperor. At the end of May, a Czechoslovak rebellion broke out in Siberia, the Urals and the Volga region. The Czechs launched a successful offensive against Yekaterinburg. On July 12, the Ural Soviet received permission from Moscow to decide the fate of the deposed dynasty. The council decided to shoot all the Romanovs and entrusted Yurovsky with the execution. Later, the White Guards were able to capture several participants in the execution and, from their words, restore the picture of the execution in all details.
Execution of the Romanov family
On July 16, Yurovsky handed out 12 revolvers to the Chekists and announced that the execution would take place today. At midnight, he woke up all the prisoners, ordered them to dress quickly and go downstairs. It was announced that the Czechs and Whites were approaching Yekaterinburg, and the local Soviet ruled that they should leave. Nikolai went down the stairs first, carrying Alexei in his arms. Anastasia held the spaniel Jimmy in her arms. On the ground floor, Yurovsky led them to a basement room. There he asked to wait until the cars arrived. Nicholas asked for chairs for his son and wife. Yurovsky ordered to bring three chairs. In addition to the Romanov family, Dr. Botkin, the footman Trupp, the cook Kharitonov and the Empress Demidov's room girl were here.
When everyone had gathered, Yurovsky again entered the room, accompanied by the entire detachment of the Cheka with revolvers in their hands. Stepping forward, he quickly said: "In view of the fact that your relatives continue to attack Soviet Russia, the Urals Executive Committee decided to shoot you."
Nikolay, continuing to support Alexei with his hand, began to rise from his chair. He just had time to say, "What?" and then Yurovsky shot him in the head. At this signal, the Chekists began firing. Alexandra Fedorovna, Olga, Tatyana and Maria were killed on the spot. Botkin, Kharitonov and Trupp were mortally wounded. Demidova remained on her feet. The Chekists grabbed their rifles and began to pursue her in order to finish her off with bayonets. With screams, she rushed from one wall to another and eventually fell, receiving more than 30 wounds. The dog's head was smashed with a rifle butt. When silence reigned in the room, heavy breathing of the Tsarevich was heard - he was still alive. Yurovsky reloaded the revolver and shot the boy twice in the ear. Just at that moment, Anastasia, who was only unconscious, woke up and screamed. She was finished off with bayonets and butts ...
Nicholas II is an ambiguous personality, historians speak very negatively about his rule of Russia, most people who know and analyze history are inclined to the version that the last All-Russian Emperor had little interest in politics, did not keep up with the times, slowed down the development of the country, was not a far-sighted ruler, did not he was able to catch the jet in time, did not keep his nose in the wind, and even when everything practically flew into hell, discontent was already whipped up not only from the bottom, but also from the top were indignant, even then Nicholas II could not draw any correct conclusions. He did not believe that his removal from government was real; in fact, he was doomed to become the last autocrat in Rus'. But Nicholas II was a great family man. He would like to be, for example, the Grand Duke, and not the emperor, not to delve into politics. Five children are no joke, their upbringing requires a lot of attention and effort. Nicholas II loved his wife long years, in separation from her, he yearned, did not lose his physical and spiritual attraction to her even after many years of marriage.
I have collected many photographs of Nicholas II, his wife Alexandra Feodorovna (nee Princess Victoria Alice Elena Louise Beatrice of Hesse-Darmstadt, daughter of Ludwig IV), their children: daughters Olga, Tatiana, Maria, Anastasia, son Alexei.
This family was very fond of being photographed, and the shots turned out to be very beautiful, spiritual, bright. Look at the attractive faces of the children of the last Russian emperor. These girls did not know marriage, never kissed lovers and could not know the joys and sorrows of love. And they died a martyr's death. Even though they weren't at fault. In those days, many died. But this family was the most famous, the most high-ranking, and its death still does not give anyone peace, a black page in the history of Russia, the brutal murder of the royal family. The fate was prepared for these beauties as follows: girls were born in turbulent times. Many people dream of being born in a palace, with a golden spoon in their mouth: to be princesses, princes, kings, queens, kings and queens. But how often did the life of blue-blooded people turn out to be difficult? They were incited, killed, hounded, strangled, and very often their own people, close to the monarchs, destroyed and occupied the vacated throne, alluring with its limitless possibilities.
Alexander II was blown up by a Narodnaya Volya, Paul II was killed by conspirators, Peter III died under mysterious circumstances, Ivan VI was also destroyed, the list of these unfortunates can be continued for a very long time. Yes, and those who were not killed did not live long by today's standards, either they get sick, or they undermine their health while ruling the country. And after all, it was not only in Russia that such a high mortality rate of monarchs was, there are countries where the reigning personalities were even more dangerous. But all the same, everyone always rushed so zealously to the throne, and pushed their children there at any cost. Though not for long, I wanted to live well, beautifully, go down in history, take advantage of all the benefits, visit luxury, be able to order slaves, decide the fate of people and rule the country.
But Nicholas II never longed to be emperor, but he understood that being the ruler of the Russian Empire was his duty, his destiny, especially since he was a fatalist in everything.
Today we will not talk about politics, we will just look at the photos.
In this photo you see Nicholas II and his wife Alexandra Feodorovna, so the couple dressed up for a costume ball.
In this photo, Nicholas II is still very young, his mustache is just breaking through.
Nicholas II in childhood.
In this photo, Nicholas II with the long-awaited heir Alexei.
Nicholas II with his mother Maria Feodorovna.
In this photo, Nicholas II with his parents, sisters and brothers.
The future wife of Nicholas II, then Princess Victoria Alice Helena Louise Beatrice of Hesse-Darmstadt.
Years of life : the 6th of May 1868 - July 17, 1918 .
Highlights of life
His reign coincided with the rapid industrial and economic development of the country. Under Nicholas II, Russia was defeated in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, which was one of the reasons for the Revolution of 1905-1907, during which the Manifesto was adopted on October 17, 1905, allowing the creation of political parties and establishing the State Duma; Stolypin agrarian reform began to be carried out.
In 1907, Russia became a member of the Entente, in which it entered the First World War. Since August 1915, the Supreme Commander. During the February Revolution of 1917, on March 2 (15), he abdicated the throne.
Shot with his family in Yekaterinburg.
Upbringing and education
The upbringing and education of Nicholas II took place under the personal guidance of his father on a traditional religious basis. The educators of the future emperor and his younger brother George received the following instruction: “Neither I nor Maria Fedorovna want to make greenhouse flowers out of them. They must pray well to God, study, play, play pranks in moderation. all the severity of the laws, do not encourage laziness in particular. If anything, then address me directly, and I know what needs to be done. I repeat that I do not need porcelain. I need normal Russian children. They will fight - please. But the first whip is for the informer This is my very first requirement."
The training sessions of the future emperor were conducted according to a carefully designed program for thirteen years. The first 8 years were devoted to the subjects of the gymnasium course. Particular attention was paid to the study of political history, Russian literature, French, German and English, which Nikolai Alexandrovich mastered to perfection. The next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, legal and economic sciences, necessary for a statesman. The teaching of these sciences was conducted by outstanding Russian academic scientists with a worldwide reputation: Beketov N.N., Obruchev N.N., Kui Ts.A., Dragomirov M.I., Bunge N.Kh. and etc.
In order for the future emperor to get acquainted in practice with military life and the order of military service, his father sent him to military training. For the first 2 years, Nikolai served as a junior officer in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. For two summer seasons, he served in the ranks of the cavalry hussars as a squadron commander, and, finally, in the ranks of the artillery. At the same time, his father introduces him to the affairs of the country, inviting him to participate in meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers.
The education program of the future emperor included numerous trips to various provinces of Russia, which he made with his father. To complete his education, his father gave him a cruiser to travel to the Far East. For 9 months, he and his retinue visited Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan, and then returned by land through all of Siberia to the capital of Russia. By the age of 23, Nikolai Romanov is a highly educated young man with a broad outlook, excellent knowledgeable of history and literature and is fluent in the main European languages. He combined a brilliant education with deep religiosity and knowledge of spiritual literature, which was rare for statesmen of that time. His father managed to inspire him with selfless love for Russia, a sense of responsibility for her fate. Since childhood, the idea has become close to him that his main mission is to follow the Russian foundations, traditions and ideals.
The model ruler for Nicholas II was Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich (father of Peter I), who carefully preserved the traditions of antiquity and autocracy as the basis of Russia's power and prosperity.
In one of his first public speeches, he proclaimed:
“Let everyone know that, devoting all my strength to the good of the people, I will protect the beginnings of autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as my late, unforgettable parent guarded it.”
It wasn't just words. "The beginnings of autocracy" Nicholas II defended firmly and unswervingly: he did not give up a single significant position during the years of his reign until, tragically for the fate of Russia, his abdication from the throne in 1917. But these events are yet to come.
Development of Russia
The reign of Nicholas II was the period of the highest rates of economic growth in the history of Russia. For 1880-1910 the growth rate of Russian industrial output exceeded 9% per year. According to this indicator, Russia came out on top in the world, ahead of even the rapidly developing United States of America. In terms of the production of the main agricultural crops, Russia has taken the first place in the world, growing more than half of the world's rye, more than a quarter of wheat, oats and barley, and more than a third of potatoes. Russia became the main exporter of agricultural products, the first "breadbasket of Europe". It accounted for 2/5 of all world exports of peasant products.
Successes in agricultural production were the result of historical events: the abolition of serfdom in 1861 by Alexander II and the Stolypin land reform during the reign of Nicholas II, as a result of which more than 80% of arable land was in the hands of the peasants, and in the Asian part - almost all. The area of landed estates has been steadily declining. Granting the peasants the right to freely dispose of their land and the abolition of communities was of great national importance, the benefits of which, in the first place, were recognized by the peasants themselves.
The autocratic form of government did not hinder the economic progress of Russia. According to the manifesto of October 17, 1905, the population of Russia received the right to inviolability of the person, freedom of speech, press, assembly, and unions. Political parties grew in the country, thousands of periodicals were published. The Parliament, the State Duma, was elected by free will. Russia was becoming a legal state - the judiciary was practically separated from the executive.
The rapid development of the level of industrial and agricultural production and a positive trade balance allowed Russia to have a stable gold convertible currency. The emperor attached great importance to the development of railways. Even in his youth, he participated in the laying of the famous Siberian road.
During the reign of Nicholas II in Russia, the best labor legislation for those times was created, ensuring the regulation of working hours, the selection of work elders, remuneration in case of accidents at work, compulsory insurance of workers against illness, disability and old age. The emperor actively promoted the development of Russian culture, art, science, and the reforms of the army and navy.
All these achievements of the economic and social development of Russia are the result of a natural historical process development of Russia and are objectively connected with the 300th anniversary of the reign of the Romanov dynasty.
Anniversary celebrations for the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty
The official celebration of the 300th anniversary began with a service at the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg. On the morning of the service, Nevsky Prospekt, along which the tsar's carriages moved, was chock-full of an excited crowd. Despite the ranks of soldiers holding back the people, the crowd, shouting frantic greetings, broke through the cordons and surrounded the carriages of the emperor and empress. The cathedral was packed to capacity. In front were members of the imperial family, foreign ambassadors, ministers and deputies of the Duma. The following days after the service in the Cathedral were filled with official ceremonies. From all over the empire, delegations in national dress arrived to bring gifts to the king. In honor of the monarch, his wife and all the great princes of the Romanovs, the nobility of the capital gave a ball to which thousands of guests were invited. The royal couple attended a performance of Glinka's opera A Life for the Tsar (Ivan Susanin). When Their Majesties appeared, the whole hall stood up and gave them an ardent ovation.
In May 1913, the royal family went on a pilgrimage to places memorable for the dynasty in order to follow the path traveled by Mikhail Romanov from his birthplace to the throne. On the Upper Volga, they boarded a steamer and sailed to the ancient Romanov patrimony - Kostroma, where in March 1913 Mikhail was invited to the throne. Along the way, on the banks, peasants lined up to watch the passage of a small flotilla, some even went into the water to see the king closer.
Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna recalled this trip:
“Wherever we passed, everywhere we met such loyal demonstrations that seemed to border on frenzy. When our steamer sailed along the Volga, we saw crowds of peasants standing chest-deep in water in order to catch at least the tsar’s gaze. In some cities I I saw craftsmen and workers prostrating themselves to kiss his shadow as he passed. The cheers were deafening!"
The culmination of the celebrations of the 300th anniversary reached Moscow. On a sunny June day, Nicholas II rode into the city on horseback, 20 meters ahead of the Cossack escort. On Red Square, he dismounted, walked with his family through the square and entered through the gates of the Kremlin into the Assumption Cathedral for a solemn service.
In the royal family, the anniversary resurrected faith in the indestructible bond between the tsar and the people and boundless love for the anointed of God. It would seem that the popular support for the tsarist regime, shown on the anniversary days, should have strengthened the monarchical system. But, in fact, both Russia and Europe were already on the verge of fatal changes. The wheel of history was about to turn, having accumulated a critical mass. And it turned, releasing the accumulated uncontrollable energy of the masses, which caused an "earthquake". In five years, three European monarchies collapsed, three emperors either died or fled into exile. The oldest dynasties of the Habsburgs, Hohenzollerns and Romanovs collapsed.
Could even for a moment imagine Nicholas II, who saw crowds of people full of enthusiasm and worship during the days of the anniversary, what awaits him and his family in 4 years?
The development of the crisis and the growth of the revolutionary movement
The reign of Nicholas II coincided with the beginning of the rapid development of capitalism and the simultaneous growth of the revolutionary movement in Russia. In order to preserve the autocracy and, most importantly, to ensure the further development and prosperity of Russia, the emperor took measures to ensure the strengthening of the alliance with the emerging bourgeois class and the transfer of the country to the rails of the bourgeois monarchy while maintaining the political omnipotence of the autocracy: the State Duma was established, an agrarian reform was carried out.
The question arises: why, despite the undeniable achievements in the economic development of the country, not reformist, but revolutionary forces won in Russia, which led to the fall of the monarchy? It seems that in such a vast country, the successes achieved as a result of economic reforms could not immediately lead to a real increase in the well-being of all sections of society, especially the poorest. The discontent of the working masses was skillfully picked up and fanned by the extremist left parties, which first led to the revolutionary events of 1905. Crisis phenomena in society began to manifest themselves especially with the outbreak of the First World War. Russia simply did not have enough time to reap the fruits of the economic and social transformations begun on the path of the country's transition to constitutional monarchy or even to a constitutional bourgeois republic.
An interesting deep interpretation of the events of that time, given by Winston Churchill:
"Fate was not so cruel to any country as to Russia. Her ship sank when the harbor was in sight. She had already endured a storm when everything collapsed. All the victims had already been made, all the work was completed. Despair and betrayal took possession power, when the task was already completed. The long retreats were over, the shortage of shells was defeated; weapons flowed in a wide stream; a stronger, more numerous, better equipped army guarded a huge front; rear assembly points were overflowing with people. Alekseev led the army and Kolchak - the fleet. In addition of this, no difficult actions were required anymore: to hold, without showing much activity, the weakening enemy forces on their front; in other words, to hold on; that was all that stood between Russia and the fruits of the common victory. The tsar was on the throne; the Russian Empire and the Russian army held out, the front was secured and the victory is indisputable."
According to the superficial fashion of our time, the royal system is usually interpreted as a blind, rotten, incapable tyranny. But an analysis of the thirty months of the war with Austria and Germany should correct these superficial notions. We can measure the strength of the Russian Empire by the blows it has endured, by the inexhaustible forces it has developed, and by the restoration of the forces of which it has proved capable.
In government, when great events are taking place, the leader of the nation, whoever he may be, is condemned for failures and glorified for successes. Why deny Nicholas II this ordeal? The burden of the last decisions lay on him. At the top, where events surpass the understanding of man, where everything is inscrutable, he had to give answers. He was the compass needle. To fight or not to fight? Advance or retreat? Go right or left? Agree to democratization or hold firm? Leave or stay? Here is the battlefield of Nicholas II. Why not honor him for this?
The selfless impulse of the Russian armies that saved Paris in 1914; overcoming a painful, shellless retreat; slow recovery; Brusilov's victories; Russia's entry into the 1917 campaign invincible, stronger than ever; Wasn't he in all of this? Despite the mistakes, the system that he led, to which he gave a vital spark with his personal properties, by this moment had won the war for Russia.
"Now they will slay him. The Tsar leaves the stage. He and all his lovers are betrayed to suffering and death. His efforts are underestimated; his memory is discredited. Stop and say: who else turned out to be suitable? In talented and courageous people, ambitious and there was no shortage of proud in spirit, courageous and powerful. But no one was able to answer those few questions on which the life and glory of Russia depended. Holding victory already in her hands, she fell to the ground. "
It is difficult to disagree with this deep analysis and assessment of the personality of the Russian Tsar. For more than 70 years, the rule for official historians and writers in our country was a mandatory negative assessment of the personality of Nicholas II. All humiliating characteristics were attributed to him: from deceit, political insignificance and pathological cruelty to alcoholism, debauchery and moral decay. History has put everything in its place. Under the rays of its searchlights, the whole life of Nicholas II and his political opponents is illuminated to the smallest detail. And in this light it became clear who is who.
Illustrating the "cunning" of the tsar, Soviet historians usually cited the example of Nicholas II removing some of his ministers without any warning. Today he could graciously talk to the minister, and tomorrow send him a resignation. A serious historical analysis shows that the tsar put the cause of the Russian state above individuals (and even his relatives), and if, in his opinion, a minister or dignitary could not cope with the case, he removed it, regardless of previous merits.
IN last years reign, the emperor experienced an encirclement crisis (lack of reliable, capable people who shared his ideas). A significant part of the most capable statesmen stood in Western positions, and the people on whom the tsar could rely did not always have the necessary business qualities. Hence the constant change of ministers, which, with the light hand of ill-wishers, was attributed to Rasputin.
The role and importance of Rasputin, the degree of his influence on Nicholas II were artificially inflated by the left, who thus wanted to prove the political insignificance of the tsar. The dirty hints of the left press about some special relationship between Rasputin and the queen did not correspond to reality. The attachment of the royal couple to Rasputin was associated with the incurable disease of their son and heir to the throne Alexei with hemophilia - blood incoagulability, in which any trifling wound could lead to death. Rasputin, possessing a hypnotic gift, by psychological impact he knew how to quickly stop the blood of the heir, which the best certified doctors could not do. Naturally, loving parents were grateful to him and tried to keep him close. Today it is already clear that many of the scandalous episodes connected with Rasputin were fabricated by the leftist press in order to discredit the tsar.
Accusing the tsar of cruelty and heartlessness, Khodynka is usually cited as an example, on January 9, 1905, the execution of the times of the first Russian revolution. However, documents show that the tsar had nothing to do with either the Khodynka tragedy or the execution on January 9 (Bloody Sunday). He was horrified when he learned about this disaster. Negligent administrators, through whose fault the events occurred, were removed and punished.
Death sentences under Nicholas II were carried out, as a rule, for an armed attack for power, which had a tragic outcome, i.e. for armed banditry. Total for Russia for 1905-1908. there were less than 4,000 death sentences in court (including martial law), mostly against terrorist fighters. For comparison, extrajudicial killings of representatives of the old state apparatus, clergy, citizens of noble origin, dissenting intelligentsia in only six months (from the end of 1917 to the middle of 1918) claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people. From the second half of 1918, executions went to hundreds of thousands, and subsequently to millions of innocent people.
Alcoholism and debauchery of Nicholas II are just as shameless inventions of the left as his cunning and cruelty. Everyone who knew the king personally notes that he drank wine rarely and little. Throughout his life, the emperor carried love for one woman, who became the mother of his five children. It was Alice of Hesse, a German princess. Seeing her once, Nicholas II remembered her for 10 years. And although his parents, for political reasons, predicted for him the French princess Helena of Orleans as his wife, he managed to defend his love and in the spring of 1894 achieved an engagement with his beloved. Alice of Hesse, who took the name of Alexandra Feodorovna in Russia, became the emperor's lover and friend until the tragic end of their days.
Of course, it is not necessary to idealize the personality last emperor. He, like every person, had both positive and negative traits. But the main accusation that they are trying to bring to him on behalf of history is political lack of will, as a result of which the collapse of Russian statehood and the collapse of autocratic power occurred in Russia. Here we must agree with W. Churchill and some other objective historians who, based on the analysis of historical materials of that time, believe that in Russia at the beginning of February 1917 there was only one truly outstanding statesman who worked for victory in the war and the prosperity of the country - This is Emperor Nicholas II. But he was just betrayed.
The rest of the politicians thought more not about Russia, but about their personal and group interests, which they tried to pass off as the interests of Russia. At that time, only the idea of a monarchy could save the country from collapse. She was rejected by these politicians, and the fate of the dynasty was sealed.
Contemporaries and historians who accuse Nicholas II of political lack of will believe that if there had been another person in his place, with a stronger will and character, then the history of Russia would have taken a different path. Maybe, but we should not forget that even a monarch of the scale of Peter I with his superhuman energy and genius in the specific conditions of the early twentieth century would hardly have achieved different results. After all, Peter I lived and acted in the conditions of medieval barbarism, and his methods of state administration would not at all fit a society with the principles of bourgeois parliamentarism.
The last act of the political drama was approaching. On February 23, 1917, the Sovereign-Emperor came from Tsarskoye Selo to Mogilev - to the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command. The political situation became more and more tense, the country was tired of the war, the opposition grew from day to day, but Nicholas II continued to hope that despite all this, feelings of patriotism would prevail. He retained an unshakable faith in the army, he knew that the combat equipment sent from France and England arrived in time and that it improved the conditions in which the army fought. He had high hopes for the new units raised in Russia during the winter, and was convinced that the Russian army would be able to join in the spring the great Allied offensive which would deal a fatal blow to Germany and save Russia. A few more weeks and victory will be assured.
But as soon as he managed to leave the capital, the first signs of unrest began to appear in the working-class districts of the capital. Factories went on strike, and the movement grew rapidly in the following days. 200 thousand people went on strike. The population of Petrograd was subjected to great hardships during the winter, because. due to the lack of rolling stock, the transportation of food and fuel was greatly hindered. Crowds of workers demanded bread. The government failed to take measures to calm the unrest and only irritated the population with ridiculous repressive police measures. They resorted to the intervention of military force, but all the regiments were at the front, and only trained spare parts remained in Petrograd, greatly corrupted by the propaganda organized by the left parties in the barracks, despite supervision. There were cases of disobedience to orders, and after three days of weak resistance, the troops went over to the side of the revolutionaries.
Abdication from the throne. End of the Romanov dynasty
At the beginning, the Headquarters did not realize the significance and scale of the events unfolding in Petrograd, although on February 25 the emperor sent a message to the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov, demanding: "I order you to stop the unrest in the capital tomorrow." The troops opened fire on the demonstrators. But it was already too late. On February 27, almost the entire city was in the hands of the strikers.
February 27, Monday. (Diary of Nicholas II): "Unrest began in Petrograd a few days ago; unfortunately, troops began to take part in them. A disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news. After dinner, I decided to go to Tsarskoye Selo as soon as possible and at one in the morning got on the train.
In the Duma, back in August 1915, the so-called Progressive Bloc of Parties was created, which included 236 members of the Duma out of a total of 442 members. The bloc formulated the conditions for the transition from autocracy to a constitutional monarchy through a "bloodless" parliamentary revolution. Then in 1915, inspired by temporary successes at the front, the tsar rejected the conditions of the bloc and closed the meeting of the Duma. By February 1917, the situation in the country became even more aggravated due to failure at the front, heavy losses in people and equipment, ministerial leapfrog, etc., which caused widespread dissatisfaction with the autocracy in major cities and above all in Petrograd, as a result of which the Duma was already ready to carry out this "bloodless" parliamentary revolution. Chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko continuously sends disturbing messages to the Headquarters, presenting on behalf of the Duma to the government more and more insistent demands for the reorganization of power. Part of the tsar's entourage advises him to make concessions, giving consent to the formation by the Duma of a government that will be subject not to the tsar, but to the Duma. They will only agree on the candidacies of ministers with him. Without waiting for a positive answer, the Duma set about forming a government independent of the tsarist government. This is how the February Revolution of 1917 came about.
On February 28, the tsar sent military units led by General N.I. Ivanov to Petrograd from Mogilev to restore order in the capital. In a nightly conversation with General Ivanov, exhausted, fighting for the fate of Russia and his family, agitated by the embittered demands of the rebellious Duma, the tsar expressed his sad and painful thoughts:
"I did not protect autocratic power, but Russia. I am not convinced that a change in the form of government will give peace and happiness to the people."
This is how the emperor explained his stubborn refusal to the Duma to create an independent government.
The military units of General Ivanov were detained by revolutionary troops on their way to Petrograd. Not knowing about the failure of the mission of General Ivanov, Nicholas II on the night of February 28 to March 1 also decides to leave Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo.
February 28, Tuesday. (Diary of Nicholas II): "I went to bed at three and a quarter in the morning, because I talked for a long time with N.I. Ivanov, whom I send to Petrograd with troops to restore order. We left Mogilev at five in the morning. The weather was frosty, Sunny. In the afternoon we passed Smolenks, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl.
March 1, Wednesday. (Diary of Nicholas II): "At night we turned back from the Malaya Vishchera station, because Lyuban and Tosno were busy. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw General Ruzsky. Gatchina and Luga were also busy. Shame "What a shame! We didn't manage to get to Tsarskoye Selo. But thoughts and feelings are always there. How painful it must be for poor Alix to go through all these events alone! God help us!"
March 2, Thursday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “In the morning, Ruzsky came and read his longest conversation on the apparatus with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems powerless to do anything, because the social democratic party in the person of the working committee. My abdication is needed. Ruzsky conveyed this conversation to the Headquarters, and Alekseev - to all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. By two and a half hours, answers came from everyone. The essence is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front in peace I agreed to take this step. I agreed. A draft Manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I had a talk and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. There was treason and cowardice all around , and cheating!"
Explanations should be given to the last entries from the diary of Nicholas II. After the tsar's train was delayed in Malyye Vishery, the Sovereign ordered to go to Pskov under the protection of the headquarters of the Northern Front. The commander-in-chief of the Northern Front was General N.V. Ruzsky. The general, having spoken with Petrograd and Headquarters in Mogilev, suggested that the tsar try to localize the uprising in Petrograd by means of an agreement with the Duma and the formation of a Ministry responsible to the Duma. But the tsar postponed the decision of the issue until the morning, still hoping for the mission of General Ivanov. He did not know that the troops were out of obedience, and three days later he was forced to return to Mogilev.
On the morning of March 2, General Ruzsky reported to Nicholas II that the mission of General Ivanov had failed. Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko, through General Ruzsky, stated by telegraph that the preservation of the Romanov dynasty was possible provided that the throne was transferred to the heir to Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Nicholas II - Mikhail.
The sovereign instructed General Ruzsky to request the opinion of the front commanders by telegraph. When asked about the desirability of the abdication of Nicholas II, everyone answered positively (even Nicholas's uncle, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, commander of the Caucasian Front), with the exception of the commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, who refused to send a telegram.
The betrayal of the army leadership was a heavy blow for Nicholas II. General Ruzsky told the emperor that he had to surrender to the mercy of the winner, because. the high command at the head of the army is against the emperor, and further struggle will be useless.
The king faced a picture of the complete destruction of his power and prestige, his complete isolation, and he lost all confidence in the support of the army if its Heads went over to the side of the enemies of the emperor in a few days.
The sovereign did not sleep for a long time that night from 1 to 2 March. In the morning he gave General Ruzsky a telegram notifying the chairman of the Duma of his intention to abdicate in favor of his son Alexei. He and his family intended to live as a private person in the Crimea or the Yaroslavl province. A few hours later, he ordered Professor S.P. Fedorov to be called to his car and said to him: “Sergey Petrovich, answer me frankly, is Alexei’s illness incurable?” Professor Fedorov replied: “Sire, science tells us that this disease is incurable. There are cases, however, when a person possessed by her reaches a respectful age. But Alexei Nikolaevich, nevertheless, will always depend on any chance. The Emperor said sadly: - That's just what the Empress told me ... Well, if this is so, if Alexei cannot be useful to the Motherland, as much as I wish, then we have the right to keep him with us.
The decision was made by him, and on the evening of March 2, when the representative of the Provisional Government A.I. Guchkov, the Minister of War and Marine and a member of the executive committee of the Duma V.V. Shulgin, arrived from Petrograd, he handed them the act of renunciation.
The act of renunciation was printed and signed in 2 copies. The king's signature was made in pencil. The time indicated in the Act - 15 hours, corresponded not to the actual signing, but to the time when Nicholas II decided to abdicate. After the signing of the Act, Nicholas II went back to Headquarters to say goodbye to the army.
March 3, Friday. (Diary of Nicholas II): "I slept long and soundly. I woke up far beyond Dvinsk. The day was sunny and frosty. I talked with my people about yesterday. I read a lot about Julius Caesar. At 8.20 I arrived in Mogilev. All the ranks of the headquarters were on the platform. Accepted Alekseev in the car. At 9.30 he moved into the house. Alekseev came with the latest news from Rodzianko. It turns out that Misha (the younger brother of the tsar) renounced in favor of elections in 6 months of the Constituent Assembly. God knows who advised him to sign such a muck! In Petrograd, the riots stopped “If only it would continue like this.”
So, 300 years and 4 years after a shy sixteen-year-old boy who reluctantly assumed the throne at the request of the Russian people (Mikhail I), his 39-year-old descendant, also named Michael II, under pressure from the Provisional Government and the Duma, lost him, having been on the throne for 8 hours from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. March 3, 1917. The Romanov dynasty ceased to exist. The last act of the drama begins.
Arrest and murder of the royal family
On March 8, 1917, after parting with the army, the former emperor decides to leave Mogilev and on March 9 arrives in Tsarskoye Selo. Even before leaving Mogilev, the representative of the Duma at Headquarters announced that the former emperor "should consider himself, as it were, under arrest."
March 9, 1917, Thursday. (Diary of Nicholas II): "Soon and safely arrived in Tsarskoe Selo - 11.30. But God, what's the difference, on the street and around the palace, sentries inside the park, and some ensigns inside the entrance! I went upstairs and there I saw Alix and dear children She looked cheerful and healthy, but they were still sick in dark room. But everyone is feeling well, except Maria, who has measles. Recently started. I took a walk with Dolgorukov and worked with him in the kindergarten. can't go any further! After tea, things were unpacked.
From March 9 to August 14, 1917, Nikolai Romanov and his family lived under arrest in the Alexander Palace of Tsarskoye Selo.
The revolutionary movement intensifies in Petrograd, and the Provisional Government, fearing for the lives of the royal prisoners, decides to transfer them deep into Russia. After a long debate, Tobolsk is determined as the city of their settlement. The Romanov family is being transported there. They are allowed to take the necessary furniture, personal belongings from the palace, and also offer the attendants, if desired, to voluntarily accompany them to the place of new accommodation and further service.
On the eve of his departure, the head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky arrived and brought with him the brother of the former emperor, Mikhail Alexandrovich. The brothers see each other and speak for the last time - they will not meet again (Mikhail Alexandrovich will be deported to Perm, where on the night of June 13, 1918 he was killed by local authorities).
On August 14, at 6:10 a.m., a train with members of the imperial family and servants under the sign "Japanese Mission of the Red Cross" set off from Tsarskoye Selo. In the second composition, there was a guard of 337 soldiers and 7 officers. Trains are running at maximum speed, the junction stations are cordoned off by troops, the public has been removed.
On August 17, the trains arrive in Tyumen, and on three ships the arrested are transported to Tobolsk. The Romanov family is accommodated in the governor's house specially renovated for their arrival. The family was allowed to walk across the street and the boulevard to worship at the Church of the Annunciation. The security regime here was much lighter than in Tsarskoye Selo. The family leads a calm, measured life.
In April 1918, permission was received from the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the fourth convocation to transfer the Romanovs to Moscow for the purpose of holding a trial against them.
On April 22, 1918, a column of 150 people with machine guns set out from Tobolsk to Tyumen. On April 30, the train from Tyumen arrived in Yekaterinburg. To accommodate the Romanovs, a house belonging to the mining engineer N.I. Ipatiev was temporarily requisitioned. Here, with the Romanov family, 5 service people lived: Dr. Botkin, lackey Trupp, Demidov's room girl, cook Kharitonov and cook Sednev.
At the beginning of July 1918, the Ural military commissar Isai Goloshchekin ("Philip") left for Moscow to resolve the issue of the future fate of the royal family. The execution of the entire family was authorized by the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In accordance with this decision, the Ural Council, at its meeting on July 12, adopted a resolution on execution, as well as on methods for destroying corpses, and on July 16 transmitted a message about this by direct wire to Petrograd - Zinoviev. At the end of the conversation with Yekaterinburg, Zinoviev sent a telegram to Moscow: “Moscow, the Kremlin, Sverdlov. A copy to Lenin. The following is transmitted from Yekaterinburg by direct wire: Inform Moscow that we cannot wait for the court agreed with Philip due to military circumstances. If your opinion is the opposite , immediately, out of any queue, report to Yekaterinburg. Zinoviev. "
The telegram was received in Moscow on July 16 at 21:22. The phrase "trial agreed with Philip" is an encrypted decision on the execution of the Romanovs, which Goloshchekin agreed upon during his stay in the capital. However, the Uralsovet asked to once again confirm this earlier decision in writing, referring to "military circumstances", because. the fall of Yekaterinburg was expected under the blows of the Czechoslovak Corps and the White Siberian Army.
A response telegram to Yekaterinburg from Moscow from the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, i.e. from Lenin and Sverdlov with the approval of this decision was immediately sent.
L. Trotsky in his diary dated April 9, 1935, while in France, cited a record of his conversation with Y. Sverdlov. When Trotsky found out (he was away) that the royal family had been shot, he asked Sverdlov: "Who decided?" “We have decided here,” Sverdlov answered him. Ilyich believed that it was impossible to leave them a living banner, especially in the current difficult conditions. Further, Trotsky writes: "Some people think that the Ural Executive Committee, cut off from Moscow, acted independently. This is not true. The decision was made in Moscow."
Was it possible to take the Romanov family out of Yekaterinburg in order to bring them to an open trial, as was announced earlier? Obviously yes. The city fell 8 days after the execution of the family - enough time for evacuation. After all, the members of the Uralsvet Presidium and the perpetrators of this terrible action managed to safely get out of the city and get to the location of the Red Army units.
So, on this fateful day, July 16, 1918, the Romanovs and the servants went to bed, as usual, at 22:30. At 23 hours 30 min. two special representatives from the Ural Council came to the mansion. They handed the decision of the executive committee to the commander of the security detachment, Yermakov, and the commandant of the house, Yurovsky, and suggested that the execution of the sentence be started immediately.
Awakened, family members and staff are told that due to the advance of the white troops, the mansion may be under fire, and therefore, for security reasons, you need to go to the basement. Seven members of the family - Nikolai Alexandrovich, Alexandra Fedorovna, daughters Olga, Tatyana, Maria and Anastasia and son Alexei, three voluntarily remaining servants and a doctor descend from the second floor of the house and go into the corner basement room. After everyone entered and closed the door, Yurovsky stepped forward, took a sheet of paper out of his pocket and said: "Attention! The decision of the Ural Council is being announced ..." And as soon as the last words were spoken, shots rang out. They shot: a member of the collegium of the Ural Central Committee - M.A. Medvedev, the commandant of the house L.M. Yurovsky, his assistant G.A. Nikulin, the commander of the guard P.Z. Ermakov and other ordinary soldiers of the guard - the Magyars.
8 days after the assassination, Yekaterinburg fell under the onslaught of the Whites, and a group of officers broke into Ipatiev's house. In the yard they found the Tsarevich's hungry spaniel, Joy, wandering around in search of his owner. The house was empty, but its appearance was ominous. All rooms were heavily littered, and the stoves in the rooms were clogged with ashes from burnt things. The daughters' room was empty. An empty candy box, a woolen blanket on the window. Camping beds of the Grand Duchesses were found in the guard rooms. And no jewelry, no clothes in the house. This "tried" protection. In the rooms and in the garbage dump where the guards lived, the most precious thing for the family, icons, was lying around. There are also books left. And there were a lot of bottles of medicine. In the dining room they found a cover from the back of the bed of one of the princesses. The cover was with a bloody trace of wiped hands.
In the garbage they found a St. George ribbon, which the tsar wore on his overcoat until the last days. By this time, the old tsar's servant Chemodurov, who had been released from prison, had already arrived at the Ipatiev House. When, among the holy icons scattered around the house, Chemodurov saw the image of Fedorovskaya Mother of God, the old servant turned pale. He knew that his living mistress would never part with this icon.
Only one room of the house was put in order. Everything was washed and cleaned. It was a small room, 30-35 square meters in size, covered with checkered wallpaper, dark; its only window rested on the slope, and the shadow of a high fence lay on the floor. There was a heavy bar on the window. One of the walls - the partition was littered with traces of bullets. It became clear that they had been shot here.
Along the cornices on the floor are traces of washed blood. On the other walls of the room there were also a lot of bullet marks, the traces fanned out along the walls: apparently, the people who were shot were rushing around the room.
On the floor there are dents from bayonet blows (here, obviously, they were pierced) and two bullet holes (they shot at the lying person).
By that time, they had already dug up the garden near the house, examined the pond, dug up mass graves in the cemetery, but they could not find any traces of the royal family. They disappeared.
The supreme ruler of Russia, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, appointed an investigator for especially important cases, Nikolai Alekseevich Sokolov, to investigate the case of the royal family. He led the investigation passionately and fanatically. Kolchak had already been shot, Soviet power returned to the Urals and Siberia, and Sokolov continued his work. With the materials of the investigation, he made a dangerous journey through all of Siberia to the Far East, then to America. In exile in Paris, he continued to take testimony from surviving witnesses. He died of a broken heart in 1924 while continuing his highly professional investigation. It was thanks to the painstaking investigation of N.A. Sokolov that the terrible details of the execution and burial of the royal family became known. Let us return to the events of the night of July 17, 1918.
Yurovsky lined up the arrested in two rows, in the first - the entire royal family, in the second - their servants. The Empress and the heir sat on chairs. Right-flanked in the front row stood the king. At the back of his head was one of the servants. Before the tsar, Yurovsky stood face to face, holding his right hand in his trouser pocket, and in his left he held a small piece of paper, then he read out the verdict ...
Before he had time to finish reading the last words, the king loudly asked him: "What, I didn't understand?" Yurovsky read it a second time, at the last word he immediately pulled out a revolver from his pocket and fired point-blank at the tsar. The king fell down. The queen and daughter Olga tried to make the sign of the cross, but did not have time.
Simultaneously with Yurovsky's shot, shots from the firing squad rang out. All the other ten people fell to the floor. A few more shots were fired at those lying down. The smoke obscured the electric light and made breathing difficult. The shooting was stopped, the doors of the room were opened so that the smoke dispersed.
They brought a stretcher, began to remove the corpses. The corpse of the king was carried out first. The bodies were carried out onto a truck in the yard. When they put one of the daughters on a stretcher, she screamed and covered her face with her hand. Others were also alive. It was no longer possible to shoot; with the doors open, shots could be heard in the street. Ermakov took a rifle with a bayonet from a soldier and pierced everyone who turned out to be alive. When all those arrested were already lying on the floor, bleeding, the heir was still sitting on a chair. For some reason, he did not fall to the floor for a long time and remained still alive ... He was shot in the head and chest, and he fell off his chair. Together with them, the dog that one of the princesses brought with her was also shot.
After loading the dead on the car at about three o'clock in the morning, we drove to the place that Yermakov was supposed to prepare behind the Verkhne-Isetsky plant. Having passed the plant, they stopped and began to reload the corpses on cabs, because. It was impossible to drive further.
When reloading, it turned out that Tatyana, Olga, Anastasia were wearing special corsets. It was decided to strip the corpses naked, but not here, but at the burial place. But it turned out that no one knows where the mine planned for this is.
It was getting light. Yurovsky sent horsemen to look for the mine, but no one found it. Having traveled a little, we stopped a verst and a half from the village of Koptyaki. In the forest they found a shallow mine with water. Yurovsky ordered to undress the corpses. When they undressed one of the princesses, they saw a corset torn in places by bullets, diamonds were visible in the holes. Everything valuable was collected from the corpses, their clothes were burned, and the corpses themselves were lowered into the mine and thrown with grenades. Having finished the operation and leaving the guards, Yurovsky left with a report to the Urals Executive Committee.
On July 18, Yermakov again arrived at the scene of the crime. He was lowered into the mine on a rope, and he tied each of the dead individually and lifted them up. When everyone was pulled out, they laid out firewood, doused it with kerosene, and the corpses themselves with sulfuric acid.
Already in our time - in recent years, researchers have found the remains of the burial of the royal family and, using modern scientific methods, have confirmed that members of the Romanov royal family were buried in the Koptyakov forest.
On the day of the execution of the royal family on July 17, 1918. a telegram was sent from the Ural Council to Sverdlov in Moscow, which spoke of the execution of "the former Tsar Nikolai Romanov, guilty of countless bloody violence against the Russian people, and the family was evacuated to a safe place." The same was reported on July 21 in a notice from the Ural Council to Yekaterinburg.
However, on the evening of July 17 at 21:15. an encrypted telegram was sent from Yekaterinburg to Moscow: "Secret. Council of People's Commissars. Gorbunov. Inform Sverdlov that the whole family suffered the same fate as its head. Officially, the family will die during the evacuation. Beloborodov. Chairman of the Ural Council."
On July 17, the day after the assassination of the tsar, other members of the Romanov dynasty were also brutally murdered in Alapaevsk: Grand Duchess Elizabeth (sister of Alexandra Feodorovna), Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich, three sons of Grand Duke Konstantin, son of Grand Duke Paul. In January 1919, four Grand Dukes, including Pavel, the tsar's uncle, and Nikolai Mikhailovich, a liberal historian, were executed in the Peter and Paul Fortress.
Thus, Lenin, with extraordinary cruelty, dealt with all members of the Romanov dynasty who remained in Russia for patriotic reasons.
On September 20, 1990, the City Council of Yekaterinburg decided to allocate the site on which the demolished house of Ipatiev stood, to the Yekaterinburg Diocese. A temple will be built here in memory of the innocent victims.
Khronos / www.hrono.ru / FROM ANCIENT RUSSIA TO THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE / Nicholas II Alexandrovich.
